Tag Archives: human rights

How Protest Musicians Became Icons And Targets In Iran’s Women, Life, Freedom Movement

Photo licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Generic license. The original was taken by Taymaz Valley and can be found here.

This article was written by Mohammad Zarghami and Kian Sharifi and originally published on rfel.org on 16 September 2025. Copyright (c)2025 RFE/RL, Inc. Used with the permission of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.

In the tense and transformative days after Mahsa Amini’s death in police custody in September 2022 for allegedly wearing a head scarf improperly, a new anthem surged from Iran’s streets: “Women, Life, Freedom.”

First heard at Amini’s burial in her hometown of Saqqez, the slogan swept the country, quickly morphing into a manifesto and protest chant so powerful that within days, it was set to music — amplifying collective grief and resistance with a rhythm that echoed across cities and continents.

Against this backdrop, musicians like Toomaj Salehi, Shervin Hajipour, and Saman Yasin emerged as some of the movement’s most influential voices. Their work didn’t just accompany the protests, it helped propel them to levels that scared authorities.

See also: Iran’s Supreme Court Overturns Rapper’s Death Sentence

Yasin is a singer who gained renown as political activist following the Islamic republic’s actions against him — highlighting how repression can breed icons.

Another example is Saba Zamani’s stark protest song Fed Up With Your Religion, which soared in popularity for its raw simplicity and radical edge.

A Rapidly Radicalizing Repertoire

But anthems of freedom come at a price.

Authorities responded with a sweeping crackdown, targeting musicians whose songs had become the soundtrack of dissent. As Tehran-based arts and culture reporter Mazdak Ali-Montazeri told RFE/RL’s Radio Farda, “If these songs weren’t influential, their singers wouldn’t be in prison.”

From arrests to censorship, the authorities’ repression continued, and it extended not just to male musicians but also to women whose voices led the charge.

See also: Iranian Women Still Targets Of ‘Brutal Repression’ Since Amini Death

Haman Vafri, a pop-classical musician who released a sociology-themed album shortly before the protests, spoke to Radio Farda about the new risks artists face.

“Political repression takes a toll on artists,” Vafri said. “Pressure from security services or the threat of being arrested makes them question: Is the cost of art too high? Do I step back, or do I accept the risk and tell society what’s happened? That push-and-pull means sometimes a song can create a movement, or just stall.”

See also: How Mahsa Amini’s Death Became A Rallying Call For Thousands Of Iranians

The crackdown only heightened the role of music as a form of activism.

Vafri notes a dramatic shift in musical style. “Music moved toward harsher and more energetic genres like rock and rap. A whole generation emerged that listened to rap and suddenly started producing their own songs distributed widely online. The existence of social media itself is a central issue.”

The digital landscape has made protest music harder to stamp out as tracks shared online reach millions and complicate the Iranian government’s efforts at censorship.

“It relates to that online space,” said Nahid Siamdoust, an assistant professor of Media and Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Texas at Austin who wrote a book on the politics of music in Iran.

“Most young Iranians are on social media every day, forming a completely nongovernmental social space,” Siamdoust told Radio Farda. “Discourses outside the official boundaries of the Islamic republic have become normalized in these songs.”

Anthems Past And Present

The protest musicians of 2022 built on a legacy stretching back to the Green Movement in 2009, when the remix of the 1979 revolutionary song Defenders Of The Sun Of The Forest became a movement marker.

With the rise of digital connectivity, uprisings became more frequent and widespread, and both slogans and sounds became more radicalized — a direct response to dashed hopes for reform and the rise of hard-liners in power.

As Vafri reflects, earlier protest music was “softer, more melodic, often drawing from folk traditions. There were feelings like hope, unity, and resistance at their core, and the music transferred those messages well.”

Today, however, “the structure of protest songs has changed” under the pressure of an increasingly violent state response, she said.

The ‘Decentralization’ Of Protest Anthems

No song captured the decentralized energy of the Women, Life, Freedom movement quite like Hajipour’s viral hit For, the lyrics of which were woven from dozens of protest comments posted online.

See also: Iran’s Protest Anthem Played At White House Norouz Celebration

One of the lines used in the song was from Reza Shoohani, a cryptocurrency entrepreneur. He described the song to Radio Farda as “beautifully decentralized — just as in today’s world of blockchain, the music, lyrics, and voice all emerge from the movement of the people. Shervin simply collected them together.”

Pop singer Mehdi Yarrahi paid a price for his song Roosarito — which means Your Head Scarf in English — criticizing the strict dress code for women that led to Amini’s detention and ultimate death.

Yarrahi became a household name in August 2023 after releasing the song.

Soon after, though, he was detained and in January 2024 was sentenced to two years and eight months in prison and 74 lashes over the song.

The prison sentence was later changed to house arrest with an ankle monitor due to his health problems, but the lashes were carried out in March this year.

Even as the Islamic republic’s crackdown continues, the music persists, inspiring new waves of resistance and hope. Iranian protest musicians remain targets, but their voices, amplified one anthem at a time, have proved they are also among the movement’s fiercest weapons.

Billy Bragg releases new song in solidarity with the Gaza aid flotilla

A waving Palestinian flag featuring red, black, white, and green stripes with the text 'EXISTENCE IS RESISTANCE' displayed prominently.
Snapshot from the lyric video for ‘Hundred Year Hunger’.

Veteran protest musician, Billy Bragg, wrote on his Instagram page that he wrote ‘Hundred Year Hunger’ in support of the Global Sumud Flotilla, a group of vessels heading for Gaza with aid. The aid project consists of activists, organizers, humanitarians, doctors, artists, clergy, lawyers, and seafarers – everyday people who have one common goal: to deliver aid and a message of unity, peace, and an end to the genocide in Gaza.

Bragg writes that the song views the current famine in Gaza “through the lens of a century of enforced food insecurity and malnutrition imposed on the Palestinian people, firstly by British imperialism, then as a weapon of mass displacement by the state of Israel.”

Watch the lyric video for the song below, or better yet, catch the song live at the Shepherd’s Bush Empire in London on 20 September 2025. Bragg will be accompanied by many artist friends for a night called Days Like These, a Gaza fundraiser evening for Amos Trust. Get tickets at Bragg’s website.

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Kneecap’s stance on Gaza extends a long history of the Irish supporting other oppressed peoples

Ciara Smart, University of Tasmania

Love them or hate them, there’s no doubt Irish hip-hop trio Kneecap are having a moment.

Their music – delivered in a powerful fusion of English and Irish – is known for its gritty lyrics about party drugs and working-class life in post-Troubles Ireland. More recently, the group has made headlines for its outspoken support for the Palestinian people.

British police have charged member Liam Óg Ó hAnnaidh (known by his stage name Mo Chara) with a terrorism offence. Ó hAnnaidh was charged in May, after being accused of displaying a Hezbollah flag at a London concert in November.

But this isn’t the first time an Irish republican group has courted controversy for backing other oppressed peoples. This has been happening for almost two centuries.

Unsanitised and vocal support

Ireland is composed of 32 counties. Twenty-six are in the Republic of Ireland, while six are part of the United Kingdom in Northern Ireland. When the British government withdrew from most of Ireland in 1921, the Irish Free State was largely Catholic, while Northern Ireland was more heavily Protestant. But these divisions are becoming increasingly irrelevant.

While Ireland is still split across two nations, public support for Irish unity remains strong, particularly among citizens of the Republic.

Kneecap’s members are from Belfast, the capital of Northern Ireland. They are also fierce republicans, which means they want to see Ireland united as one nation. One of their most popular songs, Get Your Brits Out, calls for the British state’s withdrawal from Northern Ireland.

The group has experienced a meteoric rise in recent years, helped by a semi-autobiographical film released last year.

They have reclaimed the term “Fenian”, often used as an anti-Irish slur. Their decision to rap in Irish is also a cultural milestone, as the language was suppressed in Northern Ireland for most of the 20th century, only achieving official language status in 2022.

Despite being undeniable provocateurs, they claim they aren’t interested in reigniting Catholic-Protestant conflict. They celebrate the similarities between both groups, rather than highlight their differences.

Ó hAnnaidh’s alleged terrorism offence came after he waved a Hezbollah flag at a London gig and chanted “Up Hamas, up Hezbollah”. Both Hamas and Hezbollah are considered terrorist groups in Britain. He will face court on August 20.

Irish-Māori solidarity

Kneecap is carrying on a long tradition of Irish groups who faced controversy for denouncing the oppressive acts of powerful states.

In the 19th century, several Irish nationalist groups expressed solidarity with other colonised peoples, especially Māori in Aotearoa New Zealand. Groups such as the Irish Republican Brotherhood (whose members were called Fenians) arguably saw Māori and Irish as co-victims of a tyrannical state.

Irish nationalist newspapers often wrote sympathetically about the colonisation of New Zealand, and tried to inspire Ireland to resist British subjugation, like Māori seemed to be doing.

A historical depiction of a violent skirmish in a dense forest, showing soldiers in conflict with Māori warriors. The scene captures intense action, with soldiers producing weapons and Māori fighters in a defensive stance amidst foliage.
This painting by Kennett Watkins, The Death of Von Tempsky at Te Ngutu o Te Manu (circa 1893), portrays conflict in 1868 between armed constabulary and Māori forces. Wikimedia

In July 1864, the Fenian newspaper The Irish People stressed British hypocrisy. It wrote, “savages we call [Māori], using the arrogant language of civilisation, but, honestly, they deserve to be characterised by a much better word”.

It also scoffed at the “unconquerable propensity of the Anglo-Saxon to plunder the lands of other people – a propensity which manifests itself most strikingly alike in Ireland and New Zealand”.

Similarly, in December 1868, the nationalist newspaper The Nation contrasted “valiant” Māori with “terrified” British. It sarcastically described Māori as “rebels (men fighting for their own rights on their own soil)” and mocked the British forces as “valiant men who could bully a priest”.

The article finished on a sombre note: “Mere valour will in the end go down before the force of numbers and the cunning of diplomacy”.

Rumours of a secret rebellion

Other Irish leaders, such as the nationalist Michael Davitt, saw inspirational parallels between the nonviolent campaign of Charles Stewart Parnell, the 19th century leader of the Irish Home Rule movement, and Māori leader Te Whiti-o-Rongomai.

In Ireland, Parnell encouraged poor tenant farmers to pause rent payments to their British landlords. In New Zealand, Te Whiti encouraged Māori to dismantle colonially-constructed fences and plough the land for themselves. Both were arrested in 1881 within three weeks of each other.

A historical poster advocating for tenant farmers to refuse rent payments during the Land War in Ireland, emphasizing solidarity and resistance against landlords.
The ‘No Rent Manifesto’ was issued on 18 October 1881, by Parnell and others of the Irish National Land League while in Kilmainham Jail. National Library of Ireland

So strong was the sense of kinship between Irish and Māori that, in the 1860s, there were persistent rumours of a joint Irish-Māori rebellion reported in the media and even New Zealand’s parliament.

In March, 1869, the conservative New Zealand newspaper Daily Southern Cross reported a large number of Māori “have decided on joining the Fenian Brotherhood, and have adopted the green flag as their national emblem”.

Later that year, the paper reported the supposed Fenians told a Māori resistance group that, “like the Maori, they hate the British rule, and are prepared to make common cause […] to overthrow that rule in New Zealand”.

However, these rumours were probably no more than a conspiracy fuelled by racist anti-Irish paranoia.

Actions and outcomes

Any tangible results of cross-cultural sympathy from 19th century Irish nationalists were mixed, at best. My ongoing research shows solidarity with Māori was partly motivated by humanitarian motives, but was also often used to make a point about Ireland.

Identifying with another oppressed peoples within the context of a corrupt empire was a powerful way to argue for improved political recognition within Ireland. Irish nationalists generally didn’t do much other than declare their sympathy.

Kneecap, on the other hand, seems willing to bear the legal and financial consequences of being vocal about human rights abuses in Gaza. Some of their shows have been cancelled, and funding providers have withdrawn.

While curated rebellion can be lucrative in show-business, Kneecap says the controversy following them is a distraction. They insist the world should focus squarely on Gaza instead.

Ciara Smart, PhD Graduand in History, University of Tasmania

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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