Tag Archives: revolution

The sound of revolt

On his third album, Afro-Portuguese artist Scúru Fitchádu fuses ancestral wisdom with urban revolt, turning memory and militancy into a soundtrack for resistance.

Scúru Fitchádu. Photo by Rita Carmo.

What strength is that?” asked Sérgio Godinho, one of the most important Portuguese singer-songwriters, in 1972, when Portugal was still submerged in the long night of fascism—dragging out the agony of its colonial system, condemning people to an unjust war, and spreading the carnage in massacres like the one that took place that year in Wiriyamu, Mozambique. Those were harsh times, marked by a “dormensia ku korrenti” (dormancy with chains), as Scúru Fitchádu would later write and sing in Nez txada skúru dentu skina na braku fundu (2023), his second album, where he reworked and re-signified the poetics of the guerilla and African liberation movements, placing them in the cold concrete thickets of the contemporary city.

More than 50 years have passed since that distant 1972, though the frictions of that memory remain alive in the present. After all, as we’ve recently witnessed in Portugal, where the racist far-right political party Chega had 22.5 percent in the 2025 elections, the serpent’s egg was never properly incinerated—there it is today, transformed into a hydra with 50 furious heads, ready to crush anyone who dares to resist. There they sit, all of them—sons and grandsons of fascists, colonialists, and repackaged terrorist bombers—now comfortably nestled in the honorable seats of Parliament.

By historical coincidence, Scúru Fitchádu’s third album, Griots i Riots, was released the morning after the 2025 election, a day of hangover and shock for those who grew up believing that fascism belonged to the past tense—that places of repression like Tarrafal, or the political violence of the militias in the street, would remain matters of memory, not future threats looming on the horizon. That historical coincidence, as we said, made this album all the more urgent, a symptom of its own time. Urgent, because it’s impossible to hear the unrelenting shout of “Kema palasio kema” without picturing the pigs who would roast beautifully in that redemptive fire. And symptomatic of our time because to the fifty pigs named in the track “Resistensia,” the album’s final piece, we now need to add at least eight more—and, perhaps, sharpen the blades, load the spit a little heavier, and throw some extra fuel into the blaze.

“What strength is that?” Let’s return to Sérgio Godinho’s question. What strength do we “carry in our arms,” one that “demands only obedience”? What force puts us at “ease with others but at odds with ourselves”? These days, we look around lost, downcast, already tasting blood in our mouths. And still, this music—this immanent fury—cuts through the daze, offering not a manifesto of ready-made ideas, but a concrete possibility: to give rage a sense of collective power.

That possibility emerges from the meeting of griots—whose patient wisdom crosses time and space—and riots, urgent responses to immediate violence, a right to self-defense for those who, to borrow again from the last album’s words, refuse to live as a “bakan kontenti tristi i filiss koitadu / ku se sina la dentu borsu i ku korda na piskoss ben marradu” (content, dumb, sad and happy fool / playing with fate in your pocket and a tight rope around the neck).

Griots i Riots picks up exactly where Nez txada skúru dentu skina na braku fundu left off. In “Treinament,” the final track of that record, it spoke of waking up once again with a purpose—“like a dog with clenched teeth and a sore jaw, red eyes waiting for night to fall.” It called for a “prepared militancy” like a root growing strong, turning to weapons and theory with a precise dilemma: “liberation or death.” Not coincidentally, those are also the first words heard on Griots i Riots, wrapped in the crystalline sound of a kora played by Mbye Ebrima, then immediately disrupted by the distorted low-end frequencies that define Scúru Fitchádu’s sonic world.

Guided by this political mantra, the album is built upon the tension between theory and practice, word and action, body and orality, the city and self-interrogation—conceiving of revolution not as a distant utopia but as a concrete, daily possibility. Not something that will come from palaces, vanguard leaders, or expert commissions, but from the praxis of lived experience, rooted in committed communities.

Knowing there is no revolutionary theory without revolutionary practice, Griots i Riots confronts the hard time of reality with the slow time of ancestral wisdom; it challenges the anesthetized apathy of political and cultural intervention by conjuring a dissension that opens cracks toward another future. This confrontation between times and tensions—between memory and urgency, between word and action—is not just a poetic or political gesture. It’s also the compositional principle structuring the album, shaping its rhythm and breath. We hear it right away in “Griot i Riot,” the intro, where ancestral wisdom, carried by the kora, is layered over and gradually contaminated by sonic grime—punctuated by background screams and urgent vocalizations.

Once the blueprint is set, the strategy follows. “Idukasan i saud,” a fast-paced shout of popular revolt that reworks poetic lines from Sérgio Godinho’s À Queima Roupa (1974), is followed by “Kel karta di alfuria…,” a bass-heavy, reflective track about the traps of false liberations lost in the bourgeois entanglements of the Big House. “Funda na poss,” a visceral blow against pop culture’s submissive posture, is succeeded by “Du ta morrê,” an austere and slow meditation on death and grief. The accelerated precision of “Kema palasio kema” clashes with the poetic delivery and harmonized distortion of “Símia Kodjê”—a track with Conan Osiris, where a fado-tinged voice has never sounded so richly defiled. “Prekariadu,” a battle cry against the suffocating precarity of lives in the urban jungle, gives way to “Caoberdiano Barela,” a moving reinterpretation of Princezito’s classic, reminding us that this is a long story still unfolding. Finally, “Resistensia” closes the album, ensuring we don’t forget the clear identification of the targets: the pigs that squeal, the wolves that howl, the sheep that let their guard down.

By his third record, Scúru Fitchádu has lost neither the searing, rough dissent of Un Kuza Runhu (2020) nor the poetic, ethical, and sonic density of Nez txada skúru dentu skina na braku fundu. In Griots i Riots, we hear the same insubordination, the original impulse, the same grime meant to disrupt the management of a rotten peace. But we also hear an artist who is increasingly a dense and sagacious poet, seeking to expand and master his own language, without ever yielding to the cynical reason of our times. Above all, a creator who writes about his time and his people, attuned to their latent anger, invested in the search for new answers born from everyday struggle. A creator whose music becomes the soundtrack of those who refuse to live in chains, yet who allows himself to explore—in both sound and content—deeper reflections on the human condition, the possibilities of agency, the consciousness of death, and the potential for what’s to come: an ongoing attempt to answer Sérgio Godinho’s question: What strength is this that we carry in our arms? Let us keep asking—and keep fighting. On this side of the barricade, no one will die on their knees.

This article was written by João Mineiro and originally published on the Africa Is A Country website on 29 September 2025. It is republished here under a Creative Commons BY 4.0 license.

A brief history of Bella Ciao, the anti-fascist Italian song cited in the Charlie Kirk shooting

The band Fiati Sprecati playing ‘Bella Ciao’ in Florence, Italy, on Liberation Day, April 25th 2014. Photo licensed under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC 2.0 license. Find the original photo by Felip1 here.

Justin Mallia, Monash University

Following the assassination of conservative political activist Charlie Kirk, officials reported unspent bullet casings were found at the scene. These were engraved with phrases such as “If you read This, you are GAY Lmao”, “hey fascist! CATCH!” and “O Bella ciao, Bella ciao, Bella ciao, Ciao, ciao!”

Bella Ciao (literally, “hello beautiful” or “goodbye beautiful”) is a traditional Italian folk song known for its association with the anti-fascist resistance in Italy during the second world war.

It has since moved beyond its usage as an Italian resistance song, appearing internationally in TV series, video games and TikTok videos.

It’s unclear how the reference on the bullet casings was intended to be read, but here’s what we know about the song, and its ties to the history of Fascism in Italy.

What is Fascism?

Fascism was a political movement conceived in Italy. It came to power for the first time in 1922 with the “March on Rome” of the fascist “Black Shirt” squadrons, led by Benito Mussolini.

The movement reframed the concept of freedom in society as possible only under the rule of a dictator.

Traits included the repression of political opposition, complete control of the media, intense propaganda campaigns and racial laws.

Atrocities were committed, including with military invasions and occupations in Africa in attempts to recreate an Italian empire.

Black and white photo, in front of the colosseum.
Benito Mussolini in Rome in 1922. As he leaves the Colosseum, young people greet him with the Fascist salute. Wikimedia Commons

Fascism in Italy coincided with advancements in the economy and industrialisation. By the 1930s, fascist political movements appeared across Europe including in the United Kingdom, Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania, Poland, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Greece, Yugoslavia, Spain, Portugal, Norway and, most notably, in Germany.

A common misconception today is to equate Fascism and Nazism. Fascism refers to a broad array of often contradictory authoritarian political philosophies. German Nazism falls under the broad banner of fascism, but there was only one Nazism, based in specific theories of racist suprematism.

The definition of fascism has always been ambiguous, but after the demise of the Italian Fascist and German Nazi regimes, it lost much of its political meaning in commonplace use.

In a 1946 article for the Tribune newspaper, George Orwell declared:

the word Fascism has now no meaning except in so far as it signifies ‘something not desirable’.

Giving examples such as referring to someone who adheres to a strict diet as a “health-fascist”, or someone who advocates for the environment as an “eco-fascist”, in 2013, political theorist Roger Griffin noted:

The term ‘fascism’ continues to be bandied about by those clearly more interested in its seemingly inexhaustible polemical force than in anything resembling historical or political fact.

Some scholars in Fascism, such as Ruth Ben Ghiat, warn against the authoritarian tendencies of leaders including Donald Trump.

But the unwieldy labelling of politicians or commentators operating within democratic systems of government as “Fascist” is misguided. It dilutes the meaning and memory of Fascism.

What is the song Bella Ciao?

Like many traditional songs, the origins of Bella Ciao are not definitively known.

The melody is thought to date back to 1919. The first documentation of the lyrics is from 1953.

Oral traditions trace the origin of the meaning to the Apennine mountains in the Italian region of Emilia. There, during the second world war, anti-fascist fighters with modest resources stood up to the power of the Fascist regime.

The lyrics recount the solemn story of a fighter bidding farewell to his loved one, preparing to sacrifice his life for liberty.

In Italy, the song has become revered as an almost sacred tribute, sung on occasions such as the anniversary of the liberation of the country from Fascist rule in 1945.

In recent years, Bella Ciao has become popular outside of Italy. It featured in the Spanish Netflix series Money Heist (2017) and on the soundtrack of the first person shooter video game Far Cry 6 (2021).

With a catchy tune and innocuous chorus, Bella Ciao has been remixed in dance music, and featured on TikTok videos. These adaptations pay limited or no attention to the political meaning.

But some new uses of the song, while drawing on its uninformed popularity, are politically reinfusing it for purposes different to its original context.

In October 2024, members of the European Parliament on the political left chanted the chorus in response to a speech by Prime Minister of Hungary Viktor Orban.

No formal explanation was given, but here the use of the song can be understood as a loose attempt to indirectly associate Orban with Fascism.

Making meaning

Bella Ciao has developed conflicting meanings, stemming, at least in part, from the many modern meanings and interpretations of Fascism.

We do not know what was intended by inscribing bullet casings with this traditional song, or what the inscriber’s understanding of Fascism and Nazism are.

But by understanding all of these conflicts, we can avoid collapsing the meanings into a single, monolithic phenomenon – and avoid the dangers of trivialisation and misappropriation.

Justin Mallia, PhD Candidate in Art History and Theory, Monash University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Cairokee’s Ya El Medan is a living memory of Egypt’s revolution

“Tahrir Square ميدان التحرير”. Photo by Hossam El-Hamalawy, licensed under a Attribution (CC BY 2.0) license.

There are certain songs that are created at such a time that they become engraved in a nation’s history and in people’s minds. One such song that is part of Egypt’s history is Ya El Medan by Cairokee, an Egyptian rock band, featuring Aida El-Ayoubi. The name of the song means “Oh, Square.” It was released during the events of the 25 January Revolution, which is also called the 2011 Revolution.

This revolution was a moment that changed Egypt’s history, as the nation roared its opposition against a corrupt government that had been ruling for 30 years. The rule of Hosni Mubarak, the Egyptian president at the time, was one tainted by blood and corruption. His government stifled the voices of people and took away their rights to a decent life. That’s when Cairokee and Aida El-Ayoubi didn’t let their voices remain silent. Just like the wave of people in Tahrir Square in Cairo, which included Muslims and Christians, young and old, and men and women, these musicians took their firm place in the resistance.

Tahrir Square remains as a symbol of the Revolution, and so does the music. Ya El Medan is a song for those who lived through the revolution, and for those who lost their lives demanding social justice, freedom, and bread. The soft tone of the voices of Amir Eid, Cairokee’s lead singer, along with that of Aida El-Ayoubi, created a song that deserves to be remembered, just as the 25 January Revolution should never be forgotten.

No translation can do the song justice – only Egyptian dialect can truly reflect the meaning behind the song – but an attempt is mandatory. Ya El Medan isn’t just a song for the Egyptian people, but for all people around the world. It is a song that shows how a nation became united in hope of a better life, not only for themselves, but also for their children.

The words of Ya El Medan hold truth in them. Every part of the song carries within it the feelings of millions of Egyptians. “With you, we sang, we struggled, we fought our fears, and we prayed,” the song says – and we did pray. Egyptians prayed even as the police, controlled like dolls by the oppressive government, killed the youth. An example of the unity the song speaks of was portrayed in how Christians surrounded Muslims to protect them while they were praying.

The beauty of Ya El Medan is that it isn’t a political song – it goes beyond that. In an interview with Daily News Egypt, Cairokee were asked if Ya El Medan was a political song. Their answer was no.

“I don’t find the 25 January Revolution has anything to do with politics in the first place; we went down asking for social justice, freedom and bread. These demands are not political.”

You don’t need to have a political preference to be moved by Ya El-Midan. Just like you don’t have to be one of those who protested in Tahrir Square to relate to the words. For Aida El-Ayoubi, the Square in the song doesn’t just represent the one in Tahrir.

“Not just Tahrir Square, but all the squares of liberation across Egypt. The meaning here is symbolic, which is why the phrase “Oh, Square” was used. The music video itself includes other symbols that remain the same, whether the protesters were in Tahrir Square or any other square inside or outside Cairo. These include tear gas canisters, Central Security shields, and the protesters’ clothing marked by rubber bullet wounds and blood. Overall, the song relies on symbolism, both in its lyrics and visuals.”

Indeed, the music video carries a lot of symbols, even ones that are unintended. At the end of the video, footage of Egyptians during the revolution is shown, and as the video nears its end, the footage becomes blurred. The song hopes that the revolution will never be forgotten.

“Sometimes, I fear you will become just a memory, that if we drift away, the idea will die.

That we will go back to forgetting the past and only tell your story in tales.”

Now, Egyptians share these specific lyrics because there is the harsh realisation that many have forgotten about the 25 January Revolution and what it meant. However, the blurring of the protests doesn’t erase their existence. The fact that you can still see the protests, albeit blurry, makes you realise that those who still remember will never let the memory of the revolution fade away.