Ciara Smart, University of Tasmania

Love them or hate them, thereās no doubt Irish hip-hop trio Kneecap are having a moment.
Their music ā delivered in a powerful fusion of English and Irish ā is known for its gritty lyrics about party drugs and working-class life in post-Troubles Ireland. More recently, the group has made headlines for its outspoken support for the Palestinian people.
British police have charged member Liam Ćg Ć hAnnaidh (known by his stage name Mo Chara) with a terrorism offence. Ć hAnnaidh was charged in May, after being accused of displaying a Hezbollah flag at a London concert in November.
But this isnāt the first time an Irish republican group has courted controversy for backing other oppressed peoples. This has been happening for almost two centuries.
Unsanitised and vocal support
Ireland is composed of 32 counties. Twenty-six are in the Republic of Ireland, while six are part of the United Kingdom in Northern Ireland. When the British government withdrew from most of Ireland in 1921, the Irish Free State was largely Catholic, while Northern Ireland was more heavily Protestant. But these divisions are becoming increasingly irrelevant.
While Ireland is still split across two nations, public support for Irish unity remains strong, particularly among citizens of the Republic.
Kneecapās members are from Belfast, the capital of Northern Ireland. They are also fierce republicans, which means they want to see Ireland united as one nation. One of their most popular songs, Get Your Brits Out, calls for the British stateās withdrawal from Northern Ireland.
The group has experienced a meteoric rise in recent years, helped by a semi-autobiographical film released last year.
They have reclaimed the term āFenianā, often used as an anti-Irish slur. Their decision to rap in Irish is also a cultural milestone, as the language was suppressed in Northern Ireland for most of the 20th century, only achieving official language status in 2022.
Despite being undeniable provocateurs, they claim they arenāt interested in reigniting Catholic-Protestant conflict. They celebrate the similarities between both groups, rather than highlight their differences.
Ć hAnnaidhās alleged terrorism offence came after he waved a Hezbollah flag at a London gig and chanted āUp Hamas, up Hezbollahā. Both Hamas and Hezbollah are considered terrorist groups in Britain. He will face court on August 20.
Irish-MÄori solidarity
Kneecap is carrying on a long tradition of Irish groups who faced controversy for denouncing the oppressive acts of powerful states.
In the 19th century, several Irish nationalist groups expressed solidarity with other colonised peoples, especially MÄori in Aotearoa New Zealand. Groups such as the Irish Republican Brotherhood (whose members were called Fenians) arguably saw MÄori and Irish as co-victims of a tyrannical state.
Irish nationalist newspapers often wrote sympathetically about the colonisation of New Zealand, and tried to inspire Ireland to resist British subjugation, like MÄori seemed to be doing.

In July 1864, the Fenian newspaper The Irish People stressed British hypocrisy. It wrote, āsavages we call [MÄori], using the arrogant language of civilisation, but, honestly, they deserve to be characterised by a much better wordā.
It also scoffed at the āunconquerable propensity of the Anglo-Saxon to plunder the lands of other people ā a propensity which manifests itself most strikingly alike in Ireland and New Zealandā.
Similarly, in December 1868, the nationalist newspaper The Nation contrasted āvaliantā MÄori with āterrifiedā British. It sarcastically described MÄori as ārebels (men fighting for their own rights on their own soil)ā and mocked the British forces as āvaliant men who could bully a priestā.
The article finished on a sombre note: āMere valour will in the end go down before the force of numbers and the cunning of diplomacyā.
Rumours of a secret rebellion
Other Irish leaders, such as the nationalist Michael Davitt, saw inspirational parallels between the nonviolent campaign of Charles Stewart Parnell, the 19th century leader of the Irish Home Rule movement, and MÄori leader Te Whiti-o-Rongomai.
In Ireland, Parnell encouraged poor tenant farmers to pause rent payments to their British landlords. In New Zealand, Te Whiti encouraged MÄori to dismantle colonially-constructed fences and plough the land for themselves. Both were arrested in 1881 within three weeks of each other.

So strong was the sense of kinship between Irish and MÄori that, in the 1860s, there were persistent rumours of a joint Irish-MÄori rebellion reported in the media and even New Zealandās parliament.
In March, 1869, the conservative New Zealand newspaper Daily Southern Cross reported a large number of MÄori āhave decided on joining the Fenian Brotherhood, and have adopted the green flag as their national emblemā.
Later that year, the paper reported the supposed Fenians told a MÄori resistance group that, ālike the Maori, they hate the British rule, and are prepared to make common cause [ā¦] to overthrow that rule in New Zealandā.
However, these rumours were probably no more than a conspiracy fuelled by racist anti-Irish paranoia.
Actions and outcomes
Any tangible results of cross-cultural sympathy from 19th century Irish nationalists were mixed, at best. My ongoing research shows solidarity with MÄori was partly motivated by humanitarian motives, but was also often used to make a point about Ireland.
Identifying with another oppressed peoples within the context of a corrupt empire was a powerful way to argue for improved political recognition within Ireland. Irish nationalists generally didnāt do much other than declare their sympathy.
Kneecap, on the other hand, seems willing to bear the legal and financial consequences of being vocal about human rights abuses in Gaza. Some of their shows have been cancelled, and funding providers have withdrawn.
While curated rebellion can be lucrative in show-business, Kneecap says the controversy following them is a distraction. They insist the world should focus squarely on Gaza instead.
Ciara Smart, PhD Graduand in History, University of Tasmania
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.



