Tag Archives: conscious rap

Kneecap’s stance on Gaza extends a long history of the Irish supporting other oppressed peoples

Ciara Smart, University of Tasmania

Love them or hate them, there’s no doubt Irish hip-hop trio Kneecap are having a moment.

Their music – delivered in a powerful fusion of English and Irish – is known for its gritty lyrics about party drugs and working-class life in post-Troubles Ireland. More recently, the group has made headlines for its outspoken support for the Palestinian people.

British police have charged member Liam Óg Ó hAnnaidh (known by his stage name Mo Chara) with a terrorism offence. Ó hAnnaidh was charged in May, after being accused of displaying a Hezbollah flag at a London concert in November.

But this isn’t the first time an Irish republican group has courted controversy for backing other oppressed peoples. This has been happening for almost two centuries.

Unsanitised and vocal support

Ireland is composed of 32 counties. Twenty-six are in the Republic of Ireland, while six are part of the United Kingdom in Northern Ireland. When the British government withdrew from most of Ireland in 1921, the Irish Free State was largely Catholic, while Northern Ireland was more heavily Protestant. But these divisions are becoming increasingly irrelevant.

While Ireland is still split across two nations, public support for Irish unity remains strong, particularly among citizens of the Republic.

Kneecap’s members are from Belfast, the capital of Northern Ireland. They are also fierce republicans, which means they want to see Ireland united as one nation. One of their most popular songs, Get Your Brits Out, calls for the British state’s withdrawal from Northern Ireland.

The group has experienced a meteoric rise in recent years, helped by a semi-autobiographical film released last year.

They have reclaimed the term “Fenian”, often used as an anti-Irish slur. Their decision to rap in Irish is also a cultural milestone, as the language was suppressed in Northern Ireland for most of the 20th century, only achieving official language status in 2022.

Despite being undeniable provocateurs, they claim they aren’t interested in reigniting Catholic-Protestant conflict. They celebrate the similarities between both groups, rather than highlight their differences.

Ó hAnnaidh’s alleged terrorism offence came after he waved a Hezbollah flag at a London gig and chanted “Up Hamas, up Hezbollah”. Both Hamas and Hezbollah are considered terrorist groups in Britain. He will face court on August 20.

Irish-Māori solidarity

Kneecap is carrying on a long tradition of Irish groups who faced controversy for denouncing the oppressive acts of powerful states.

In the 19th century, several Irish nationalist groups expressed solidarity with other colonised peoples, especially Māori in Aotearoa New Zealand. Groups such as the Irish Republican Brotherhood (whose members were called Fenians) arguably saw Māori and Irish as co-victims of a tyrannical state.

Irish nationalist newspapers often wrote sympathetically about the colonisation of New Zealand, and tried to inspire Ireland to resist British subjugation, like Māori seemed to be doing.

A historical depiction of a violent skirmish in a dense forest, showing soldiers in conflict with Māori warriors. The scene captures intense action, with soldiers producing weapons and Māori fighters in a defensive stance amidst foliage.
This painting by Kennett Watkins, The Death of Von Tempsky at Te Ngutu o Te Manu (circa 1893), portrays conflict in 1868 between armed constabulary and Māori forces. Wikimedia

In July 1864, the Fenian newspaper The Irish People stressed British hypocrisy. It wrote, “savages we call [Māori], using the arrogant language of civilisation, but, honestly, they deserve to be characterised by a much better word”.

It also scoffed at the “unconquerable propensity of the Anglo-Saxon to plunder the lands of other people – a propensity which manifests itself most strikingly alike in Ireland and New Zealand”.

Similarly, in December 1868, the nationalist newspaper The Nation contrasted “valiant” Māori with “terrified” British. It sarcastically described Māori as “rebels (men fighting for their own rights on their own soil)” and mocked the British forces as “valiant men who could bully a priest”.

The article finished on a sombre note: “Mere valour will in the end go down before the force of numbers and the cunning of diplomacy”.

Rumours of a secret rebellion

Other Irish leaders, such as the nationalist Michael Davitt, saw inspirational parallels between the nonviolent campaign of Charles Stewart Parnell, the 19th century leader of the Irish Home Rule movement, and Māori leader Te Whiti-o-Rongomai.

In Ireland, Parnell encouraged poor tenant farmers to pause rent payments to their British landlords. In New Zealand, Te Whiti encouraged Māori to dismantle colonially-constructed fences and plough the land for themselves. Both were arrested in 1881 within three weeks of each other.

A historical poster advocating for tenant farmers to refuse rent payments during the Land War in Ireland, emphasizing solidarity and resistance against landlords.
The ‘No Rent Manifesto’ was issued on 18 October 1881, by Parnell and others of the Irish National Land League while in Kilmainham Jail. National Library of Ireland

So strong was the sense of kinship between Irish and Māori that, in the 1860s, there were persistent rumours of a joint Irish-Māori rebellion reported in the media and even New Zealand’s parliament.

In March, 1869, the conservative New Zealand newspaper Daily Southern Cross reported a large number of Māori “have decided on joining the Fenian Brotherhood, and have adopted the green flag as their national emblem”.

Later that year, the paper reported the supposed Fenians told a Māori resistance group that, “like the Maori, they hate the British rule, and are prepared to make common cause […] to overthrow that rule in New Zealand”.

However, these rumours were probably no more than a conspiracy fuelled by racist anti-Irish paranoia.

Actions and outcomes

Any tangible results of cross-cultural sympathy from 19th century Irish nationalists were mixed, at best. My ongoing research shows solidarity with Māori was partly motivated by humanitarian motives, but was also often used to make a point about Ireland.

Identifying with another oppressed peoples within the context of a corrupt empire was a powerful way to argue for improved political recognition within Ireland. Irish nationalists generally didn’t do much other than declare their sympathy.

Kneecap, on the other hand, seems willing to bear the legal and financial consequences of being vocal about human rights abuses in Gaza. Some of their shows have been cancelled, and funding providers have withdrawn.

While curated rebellion can be lucrative in show-business, Kneecap says the controversy following them is a distraction. They insist the world should focus squarely on Gaza instead.

Ciara Smart, PhD Graduand in History, University of Tasmania

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Exclusive Premiere: We Gonna Raise the Roof by Dereos Roads & Jumbled

Text overlay for the music video 'We Gonna Raise the Roof' by Dereos Roads and Jumbled on a retro-styled neighborhood street.

The fourth of July is coming up in the US, and the country is as divided as ever. Protest musicians in the US, and elsewhere, are not on any sort of hiatus, far from it, and music is being released daily in protest of the oppressive government currently in charge. One of these artists, veteran rapper Dereos Roads, is about to drop a music video made for one of the singles off of his collaborative album with Jumbled, ‘Saw the Landmark, Missed the Turn’. We caught up with Roads and asked him to tell us a bit more about the music video for ‘We Gonna Raise the Roof’ which we’re thrilled to be premiering exclusively here on the Shouts website.

“Well, for one, the guitar and bass have a blues rock vibe, so I wanted to, – in part, honor that retro aspect. The film is a bit of a Leave it to Beaver/Sin City color grade. I didn’t exactly want to spell out everything I say with an image to support it, but in songs like these I love drawing back to the past and connecting to the present, so there’s images of American child labor, the Civil Rights Movement, America’s numerous misadventures in Viet Nam and Iraq, Trump with the Saudis, and pro Palestinian protests.

I want people to recognize that this is a bi-partisan issue: income inequality, endless wars, crumbling schools and infrastructure. They’re all a product of the system run by the ruling class. I have friends with whom I disagree politically, but fundamentally, they see the problems with government as the sole product of an elitist governing class, and not the money in politics that has corrupted our institutions, controls the levers of power, and manufactured consent.

The imagery of the video refers to more than simply an anti-war message; Roads includes shots of the neighborhood he lives in, which has been, according to him, going through a revitalization. Roads believes that his fellow citizens are renewing their faith in local goods and the power of community. The video expresses his hope for the future, that his people can get back to the economic fairness of the 50s and 60s, but with the added civil rights achievements and progress that has been made since then.

Also read: Dereos Roads and Jumbled release a new album addressing migrant rights, love and the current state of affairs in America

Roads struggles with the idea that a protest song is in itself a form of activism, but rather, he believes that it is an ingredient and a sign of solidarity with those on the ground, doing the important work of activism. The power of the protest song, according to Roads, is that it has “the potential to help grow a political movement,” which is why this type of music has successfully been kept off of the airwaves. Roads told me via email that in his opinion, that battle has been long lost; protest music is not on the radio much like anti-war voices are not heard on cable news. So, alternatively, for Roads, and other artists like him, the battle has shifted, and his focus now is on trying to get more ears to this kind of music. There are so many ways for people to discover music these days, and Road’s hope is for people to be more deliberate about what they choose to listen to, and not only consume what the algorithm provides.

On the one hand, it’s like any other song: I want it to resonate with people. I want it to mean something to whomever is listening. On the other hand, I hope to wake people up to the real struggle at play: top vs bottom. Left vs right is a manufactured distraction. I think we can have our differences while having common ground on the core issue: the relationship between labor and capital, or the rich vs. the rest of us.

I think the mistake of many right now is believing that you simply just have to get the “right” set of billionaires in your corner. Look at this Cabinet. The richest in American history. They’re not there because they care about your bottom line and well being. They care about their own interests and that of their class. Unfortunately, I think some have forgotten the words of George Carlin that they used to believe in: ‘It’s a big club, and you ain’t in it.‘”

Check out the exclusive premiere of We’re Gonna Raise the Roof below and further visit Roads’ website and follow him on social media (FB – IG – Bluesky) for updates.

Beats of Defiance

From the streets of Khartoum to exile abroad, Sudanese hip-hop artists have turned music into a powerful tool for protest, resilience, and the preservation of collective memory.

The streets of Khartoum in December 2018 were not just crowded—they were buzzing with life. Voices rang out in defiance, marking the end of three decades under Omar al-Bashir’s authoritarian grip. It was a revolution, but it was also a revelry of the spirit. A hidden energy, repressed too long, spilled onto the streets, transmuting protest into art. The sound of resistance in Sudan was not a single note but an orchestra of beats, rhymes, and chants—and the sound of Sudanese hip-hop. Hip-hop had simmered underground for years, but now, it erupted into a national chorus, becoming a vehicle for the expression of the hopes, grievances, and dreams of Sudan’s youth.

Ayman Mao was among the first to carry the torch. His track “Dam” (Blood) from 2016 had already gained traction; a gritty and furious indictment against the powers that exploited the people: “How much did they buy you for, so that you can turn it into blood?”

Mao’s words resonated with thousands, transforming his lyrics into rallying cries for those now gathered in protest. This was not just a song but a haunting reminder that their blood had been shed during their resistance against the Bashir regime. As his lyrics bounced from building to building, they fused with the chants of the crowd, a single voice shouting enough.

Mao’s impact was only the beginning. Flippter, a Sudanese rapper who had long explored themes of alienation and struggle, joined the front lines with his track “Hatred.” “Might get a bullet for these simple words,” he rapped, fully aware of the risks. In his track “Blue,” he describes a homeland that feels foreign, echoing the sense of displacement that Sudanese youth felt under a regime that cared little for their voices. With each verse, Flippter exposes not only his anger but also his refusal to be silenced, a poet who embraced the pen as a weapon. Sudan’s youth found something vital in Flippter’s words—an unflinching mirror reflecting both their frustration and their resolve.

Diaspora voices joined in, with artists like AKA Keyz, who, from afar, could still feel the pulse of the homeland. His track “No Options Left” became an anthem of its own, a bleak yet determined reflection of the state of Sudan. “No options left,” he repeats, voicing the despair and hopelessness that Sudanese youth felt as they watched their nation unravel.

These modern voices were joined by icons from the past, blending tradition with rebellion. A.G Nimeri’s “Sudan Without Keizan” echoed across the revolution, a song imagining a Sudan freed from the grip of corruption, racism, and religious manipulation. “Sudan without merchants of hell and heaven,” he sings, condemning those who used religion to justify violence and control. Nimeri’s music bridged generations, evoking a Sudan that existed before Bashir’s rule while dreaming of a future without it. His song, like so many others, became a soundtrack for revolution, articulating the shared yearning for a new Sudan.

The roots of Sudanese hip-hop stretch back further than the 2018 protests. In the 1990s, American rap tapes circulated as bootlegs, slipping past government censors and sparking the imaginations of young Sudanese. By the 2000s, artists like the group NasJota had fused hip-hop with traditional Sudanese sounds, blending Arabic and English lyrics to create something distinctly Sudanese. Their success was short-lived, however, as government censors quickly silenced their socially conscious lyrics. Artists like Mao were forced into exile, but the spirit of protest they had ignited continued underground, shaping a generation of young people who saw music as a form of rebellion. By 2018, Sudanese hip-hop had made such an impact that GQ produced a list of almost 20 rappers that it wanted its readers to know about, including Bas and Flippter.

In 2019, as the protests reached their peak, Sudanese hip-hop transformed from an underground movement to the heartbeat of the uprising. Mao’s “Dam” and Ali G’s “Taskut Bas” (Just Fall) blared from speakers in protest camps, the lyrics striking raw nerves as they condemned corruption, repression, and violence. But hip-hop was not just the backdrop; it was the movement itself, a thread weaving together thousands of voices in a shared demand for freedom.

Then, in 2023, hope turned to tragedy as violence erupted once again. The simmering tensions between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces ignited into civil war, and the country was engulfed in chaos. Artists found themselves displaced, with some forced to flee. But even as studios lay abandoned and streets emptied, the music continued. Hip-hop artists in exile, in Egypt and across the diaspora, kept creating, their voices reaching back home and keeping the spirit of the revolution alive.

New platforms like Rap Shar3 (Streetrap) became vital spaces for Sudanese rappers in exile, where artists poured their anguish into verse. Hyper’s song, echoing Sayed Khalifa’s iconic chorus, reflects on those days of revolution with both nostalgia and bitterness. “Those were days, O country, days like the dream,” he sings, mourning what could have been, even as he curses those who have ruined those dreams.

And new voices emerged—Veto, Awab, Ghayaz—documenting in verse the personal toll of war. “My brother was shot dead but is not buried yet,” Veto raps, his words an indictment of those in power. It’s a painful, raw reminder that for many Sudanese, freedom remains distant, as if glimpsed only briefly before being snatched away again. These songs became not just records of protest but oral histories, documenting the suffering of a people in real-time.

Sudanese hip-hop has emerged not only as a form of rebellion but also as a repository of the nation’s collective memory. What began as borrowed beats from American rap tapes has evolved into a genre that is uniquely Sudanese, defined by the local language, the rhythms of traditional folk music, and the cadences of Sudanese Arabic. The genre has forged its own identity, producing a sound that resonates deeply with listeners across Africa.

Now, as Sudan stands at a crossroads, the role of hip-hop has never been more critical. These artists—both those at home and those in exile—continue to create, documenting their stories and struggles. In doing so, they ensure that even as the country spirals, the voices of Sudan’s youth will not be forgotten.

This article was written by Ibrahim Osman and re-published here from the Africa Is A Country website under a CC BY 4.0 Attribution 4.0 International license. Cover photo: Flippter and fans. Image © Flippter via Facebook (Fair Use).