Tag Archives: protest

Through Cable Street Beat, music became a potent antifascist weapon against the farย right

The Cable Street Mural by Dave Binnington Savage, Paul Butler, Ray Walker and Desmond Rochfort (1979 โ€“ 1983). Amanda Slater/Wiki Commons, CC BY

Alexander Carter, University of Birmingham

In the 1980s, Britainโ€™s far right was on the rise. Fascist parties fielded over 100 candidates in the 1983 general election. And culturally, the far right was also making ground.

โ€œWhite powerโ€ bands like Skrewdriver and Peter and the Wolf began drawing sizeable crowds and selling thousands of records. In 1987, Skrewdriverโ€™s frontman founded Blood & Honour, a music network that soon gained followers and branches throughout the US and Europe.

Blood & Honourโ€™s emergence caused tremors among the UK antifascist movement. Anti-Fascist Action (AFA), the dominant antifascist group of the time, struck back with their own musical network: Cable Street Beat (CSB).

This is the story of how music became a battleground in the 1980s and 1990s, as antifascists fought fascism with guitars and microphones.

Cable Street Beat

Cable Street Beat was named after the antifascistsโ€™ celebrated victory over Oswald Mosleyโ€™s Blackshirts. Before the second world war, British MP Oswald Mosley had commanded a growing fascist movement that had been fiercely resisted by antifascists.

On October 4 1936, Mosley amassed his Blackshirts to march through the East End of London. However, around 100,000 militant antifascists gathered on Cable Street to oppose them, ultimately preventing the fascistsโ€™ march.

The first CSB gig was held on October 8 1988 at the Electric Ballroom in London. Newtown Neurotics, The Men They Couldnโ€™t Hang and punk poet Attila the Stockbroker electrified a 1,000-strong crowd

Black and white photo of Oswald Mosley

British MP Oswald Mosley commanded a growing fascist movement. National Portrait Gallery

On October 4 1936, Mosley amassed his Blackshirts to march through the East End of London. However, around 100,000 militant antifascists gathered on Cable Street to oppose them, ultimately preventing the fascistsโ€™ march.

The first CSB gig was held on October 8 1988 at the Electric Ballroom in London. Newtown Neurotics, The Men They Couldnโ€™t Hang and punk poet Attila the Stockbroker electrified a 1,000-strong crowd.

Crucially, the audience also heard a powerful speech from Solly Kaye, an antifascist veteran of the actual Battle of Cable Street five decades earlier. Kaye warned the assembled concertgoers that fascist โ€œsongsโ€ were โ€œpoison put into the minds of young peopleโ€.

Brendan, an AFA and CSB organiser and horn player with antifascist punk band the Blaggers, described to me how CSB was needed: โ€œFirstly as a way to draw people who might be attracted to the far right into a more progressive type of politics โ€ฆ Secondly it was needed to bring people together from different cultures. Thirdly, just to stick two fingers up to the far right.โ€

The power of punk

CSB drew energy from the UKโ€™s frenetic punk scene. Bands such as the Angelic Upstarts, Snuff and Yr Anhrefn all enthusiastically took up CSBโ€™s cause. They shared the stage with antifascist activists who gave rousing speeches.

Punk poet Attila holds a microphone in one hand and beer in the other.

Punk, and in particular the working-class focused, aggressive Oi! subgenre and related skinhead subculture, was an area that the far right had long tried to colonise.

Blood & Honour wanted to believe otherwise, but the skinhead movement (which originated in the 1960s) had roots in Jamaican culture and reggae. Indeed, few skinheads had any interest in white power.

Punk poet Attila the Stockbroker in 2018. Madchickenwoman/Wiki Commons, CC BY-SA

โ€œIf far-right politics helped inform the identity of some within the โ€ฆ skinhead subculture,โ€ says historian Matthew Worley, โ€œthen the vast majority resisted and rejected the substance of the fascist message.โ€

CSB gained considerable ground in this battle. High-profile bands like The Specials and The Selecter played benefit gigs. Multiple other bands โ€“ including The Oppressed, Knucklehead and Spy Vs Spy โ€“ put out AFA fundraising CDs.

Thomas โ€œMensiโ€ Mensforth, the charismatic lead singer of the Angelic Upstartsโ€™ (who sadly passed away in 2021), even narrated an AFA documentary produced for the BBC in 1993.

Unity Carnivals

CSBโ€™s most high-profile strategy was its Unity Carnivals. The first, held in Hackney Downs Park in 1991, attracted 10,000 attendees. This made it the biggest public antifascist event in a decade. Bands including Gary Clailโ€™s On U Sound System, The 25th of May and The Blaggers kept the vast crowds dancing all day under the banner of antifascism.

But the partying was punctuated with serious political rhetoric. Throughout the day activists gave speeches and handed out flyers. Brendan was part of the team that organised the carnival.

โ€œItโ€™s a clichรฉ,โ€ he told me, โ€œbut that carnival really did unite people. It brought a really diverse crowd together in Hackney and really got the political messages across.โ€

Two more carnivals followed: another in Hackney in 1992 and one in Newcastle in 1993, where The Shamen headlined with their chart-topping song Ebeneezer Goode.

Freedom of movement

CSB was wound down in the early 1990s. Nevertheless, music remained a central element of AFAโ€™s activism.

By the early 1990s, electronic dance music had taken off in the UK. Antifascists immediately saw the potential and in Manchester local DJs and AFA set up the Freedom of Movement campaign in 1993 to mobilise these ravers. AFAโ€™s magazine, Fighting Talk, declared Freedom of Movementโ€™s aim was to โ€œpoliticise the previously apathetic dance club scene, raising issues of racism and fascismโ€.

From 1993 to 1996, AFA put on a series of antifascist club nights in cities from Edinburgh to London. They also released an AFA benefit album, This is Fascism, featuring prominent DJs and producers including Carl Cox, Drum Club and Fun-Da-Mental. The Blaggers had close links to AFA, playing multiple benefit gigs.

Fascism is on the march again. The far right in Italy, Argentina and the Netherlands have all recently experienced electoral victories. Many other countries โ€“ such as the US, Brazil and India โ€“ have experienced explosions in far-right activity.

Findings from my own research and othersโ€™ demonstrate that fascists are adept at using culture to achieve their goals. It enables them to transmit their hateful ideology, generate money and forge networks across countries.

But the successes of CSB and AFA provide us with valuable lessons. Music can send a powerful message and mobilise hundreds of thousands to resist racism. Its emotive nature can change listenersโ€™ worldviews, and help create a shared culture that is antithetical to the far rightโ€™s divisive goals.

This is an area where antifascists can make real gains against their foes: uniting antifascism and music is a tried-and-tested method for winning over the hearts and minds of people against hatred.


Alexander Carter, Research Fellow, University of Birmingham

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Their anti-rape performance went viral globally. What next for LASTESIS?

LASTESIS was part of a progressive movement in Chile. Then voters rejected the countryโ€™s new constitution. So now what?

Sibila Sotomayor, Dafne Valdรฉs and Paula Cometa, members of LASTESIS, in Valparaiso, Chile | Courtesy of Maca Jo

This article was written by Naomi Larsson Piรฑeda and published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International licence.


Back in November 2019, a group of women took over the streets of Valparaiso, Chile. Moving their bodies in unison, they chanted words that would go on to resonate with hundreds of thousands of people across the world.

This performance by the collective LASTESIS (The Thesis) became a global feminist anthem within days. Blindfolded and wearing the green scarves of the Latin American abortion rights movement, they called out patriarchal and state violence against women. โ€œItโ€™s not my fault, not where I was, not what I woreโ€ฆ the rapist is you. Itโ€™s the police, itโ€™s the judges,โ€ they cried.

These words are โ€œabsolutely globalโ€, LASTESIS tell openDemocracy over a blurry WhatsApp call. โ€œWhen people asked us why we think this performance went viral, we say we donโ€™t know, but probably because patriarchal violence, and specifically the sexual violence that we denounce in this performance, is everywhere.โ€

โ€˜Un violador en tu caminoโ€™ (โ€˜A Rapist in Your Pathโ€™) spread across Latin America and very soon the rest of the world. Performances took place in Poland, Kenya, to the UK, even outside the trial of convicted sex offender Harvey Weinstein. Itโ€™s believed that it was performed in about 200 cities globally, with the countries translating LASTESISโ€™ words into their own languages.

They add: โ€œItโ€™s incredible for us to see, despite our cultural and linguistic differences, that we can always connect.

โ€œThe way of approaching the subject may be different, or how we relate, but the problem is the same. On the one hand it makes you feel part of a much broader, transcultural, cross-border, underground community, but on the other hand it is very depressing to see that the work needs to be done everywhere.โ€

โ€˜Un violador en tu caminoโ€™ performed in Valparaรญso in November 2019 | Courtesy of Camila R. Hidalgo

In the wake of โ€˜Un violador en tu caminoโ€™, and while shut inside their homes as the pandemic closed the world down, LASTESIS wrote their first manifesto, โ€˜Quemar el miedoโ€™ (โ€˜Set Fear on Fireโ€™). It is a fierce, raw testimony of what drives them as a collective, but also an angry account of the violence and struggles they face as Chilean women, as Latin American women: they are daughters of political refugees, they have had illegal abortions, they have raised children alone, they have been abused, they have been persecuted for speaking their minds. But like their viral performance, the manifesto speaks to an intersectional, cross-border struggle.

โ€œ[We show] that thereโ€™s a feminist network with its own causes and its own fights, but also with common causes. We can communicate in different ways but we can work together to solve things together,โ€ they say.

LASTESIS are speaking to me as they sit together in a corridor between panel talks at a New York University. Daffne Valdรฉs Vargas, Paula Cometa Stange, Sibila Sotomayor van Rysseghem (a fourth member, Lea Cรกceres, left the group a few years ago) are in the United States to celebrate the launch of โ€˜Set Fear on Fireโ€™, the new translation that will bring their feminist writing to the English-speaking world. As a collective, Daffne, Paula and Sibila prefer to speak as one. In their book, they write as โ€œweโ€, not as individuals, which backs up their call for a unified feminist struggle.

Theyโ€™re all close friends, having met years ago while studying; but their relationship feels exactly as you would define โ€˜collectiveโ€™. It is one of mutual respect and love, but they also have a level of understanding and ease between one another that feels deeper than many familiar relationships.

All artists and creatives, they formed LASTESIS in 2017 to engage feminist theory and activism through art and performance. Their work is based on feminist thinkers such as Silvia Federici, who critiqued the joint forces of capitalism and patriarchy that feed off oppression. โ€˜Un Violador en tu Caminoโ€™ builds on the work of Rita Segato and Virginie Despentes and their exposure of sexual violence as a political issue.

โ€œWe chose this way of expressing ourselves and working because we believe in art as a tool for social transformation,โ€ they say, adding that the medium of performance โ€œallows you to transmit ideas, transmit demands, but also pass them through the body. Not all people can relate to words in the same way, but the language of the bodyโ€ฆ is another form of communication.โ€

The performances (which can be most simply explained as the expression of themes and ideas through lyrics and movement) are clear and powerful, dissecting issues such as police brutality, to the complexities of abortion and fight for reproductive rights.

โ€˜Set Fear on Fireโ€™ includes the lyrics of past performances, and although every word written then is still relevant, so much has changed. The world of 2019 feels very distant โ€“ especially for many Chileans.

LASTESIS first performed โ€˜Un violador en tu caminoโ€™ within the context of a historic social uprising that saw people of all ages and identities across the country protest against inequality.

Read also: ‘The Violator Is You’ Women In Chile Perform A Protest Chant

For a time, millions were trying to erase the neoliberal and violent hangovers of its past dictatorship. There were glimmers of hope: the right-wing billionaire president Sebastiรกn Piรฑera was replaced by leftist millennial Gabriel Boric. The protests demanded the rewriting of the countryโ€™s Pinochet-era constitution, and the proposed alternative was viewed as one of the most progressive in the world. But it was rejected by 62% of the citizens last year.

โ€œWeโ€™re in a much more depressing time now, but the ideas in this book are still topical,โ€ they say.

โ€œThereโ€™s a whole chapter dedicated to the abortion rights that the new constitution was going to guarantee. But that was then rejected, and now weโ€™re starting again at ground zero.โ€

This month, Chile launched a fresh attempt โ€“ less inclusive and with an expected more moderate outcome โ€“ to come up with a new constitution, with a group of experts appointed by the Congress to work on a preliminary draft of 12 constitutional bases within the next three months. This document will set the groundwork for a 50-member constitutional council to be elected by popular vote in May. The council should achieve a final text for a vote of approval or rejection in December.

Since the 2022 repeal of Roe v Wade, the ruling that had enshrined the right to abortion in the US, โ€œweโ€™ve seen more losses of rights than gainsโ€ฆ As feminists we have to always be alert,โ€ they add. โ€œOn the other hand, in Argentina, for example, abortion was legalised. So weโ€™ve also had an important victory, but it derives from a very powerful level of organising they were doing for almost 15 years.โ€

The bookโ€™s English version acknowledges this international, shared struggle; the groupโ€™s calls for safe and legal access to abortion and their criticisms of the capitalist structures supporting patriarchal violence resonate beyond borders. But the movement of these ideas has another level of significance. As they write in the updated prologue: โ€œOur bodies remain in the South, but our convictions and many of our uncertainties migrate to the North.โ€

โ€œWith all the criticisms we have of the English-speaking colonial linguistic hegemony, itโ€™s equally a reality that this [book] will allow our ideas to migrate north… when most translations come from the North to the South,โ€ they say. โ€œSo this movement also seems important for the feminist struggle in the South.โ€

The fact that they were invited to New York to celebrate the launch of โ€˜Set Fear on Fireโ€™ feels especially significant, particularly as Latines. โ€œOur ideas travel here but in the meantime there are many people who are physically emigrating and are not well received โ€“ theyโ€™re received with precisely all of this violence that we denounce in this book,โ€ LASTESIS say. โ€œSo it is a bit of a statement knowing that this book was going to reach the north and reminding them of the policies of exclusion and violence that are happening at this very moment on its borders.โ€

LASTESIS want to leave open the โ€œinvitation for people to get a bit more angryโ€, as indifference sustains the status quo, they argue. โ€œThe lack of empathy allows everything to continue as it is, reproducing this violence and oppression that have simply been normalised. And thanks to rage we can mobilise ourselves, and also mobilise the world.โ€

Rappers Around The World Are Getting Jailed, Facing Legal Consequences (Videos)

According to our colleagues at Freemuse, in the 3.5 years the organisation has been monitoring authority abuse on rappers around the world, they have found at least 60 international rappers to have been detained, harassed, jailed and now facing legal consequences.

Iranian rapper Toomaj Salehi is one of these people. Freemuse accounts that he was detained and later released on bail, but now facing charges for “spreading propaganda against the [Iranian] state. In his song Normal Life he addresses worker’s strikes, corruption and imprisonments in his country.

Nokrolik is a 22 year old rapper from Belarus and another victim of authoritarian oppression against artists. Recently he was sentenced to spend a year in jail for questioning the president’s intelligence in one of his new songs. This appearantly scared the little president man very much. Enough so that when Nokrolik will have finished his sentence he will be deported out of Belarus.

Please share the music of these artists and help spread their word. Find out more about Freemuse’s campaign to raise awareness about oppressed rappers via their tRAPped campaign

Cover photo credits: ะ•ะฒะณะตะฝะธะน ะŸะตั‚ั€ะพะฒ. ะคะพั‚ะพ: ะ“ะพะผะตะปัŒัะบะฐั ะฒะตัะฝะฐ

โœŠ โœŠ โœŠ โœŠ โœŠ