Tag Archives: resistance

The sound of revolt

On his third album, Afro-Portuguese artist Scúru Fitchádu fuses ancestral wisdom with urban revolt, turning memory and militancy into a soundtrack for resistance.

Scúru Fitchádu. Photo by Rita Carmo.

What strength is that?” asked Sérgio Godinho, one of the most important Portuguese singer-songwriters, in 1972, when Portugal was still submerged in the long night of fascism—dragging out the agony of its colonial system, condemning people to an unjust war, and spreading the carnage in massacres like the one that took place that year in Wiriyamu, Mozambique. Those were harsh times, marked by a “dormensia ku korrenti” (dormancy with chains), as Scúru Fitchádu would later write and sing in Nez txada skúru dentu skina na braku fundu (2023), his second album, where he reworked and re-signified the poetics of the guerilla and African liberation movements, placing them in the cold concrete thickets of the contemporary city.

More than 50 years have passed since that distant 1972, though the frictions of that memory remain alive in the present. After all, as we’ve recently witnessed in Portugal, where the racist far-right political party Chega had 22.5 percent in the 2025 elections, the serpent’s egg was never properly incinerated—there it is today, transformed into a hydra with 50 furious heads, ready to crush anyone who dares to resist. There they sit, all of them—sons and grandsons of fascists, colonialists, and repackaged terrorist bombers—now comfortably nestled in the honorable seats of Parliament.

By historical coincidence, Scúru Fitchádu’s third album, Griots i Riots, was released the morning after the 2025 election, a day of hangover and shock for those who grew up believing that fascism belonged to the past tense—that places of repression like Tarrafal, or the political violence of the militias in the street, would remain matters of memory, not future threats looming on the horizon. That historical coincidence, as we said, made this album all the more urgent, a symptom of its own time. Urgent, because it’s impossible to hear the unrelenting shout of “Kema palasio kema” without picturing the pigs who would roast beautifully in that redemptive fire. And symptomatic of our time because to the fifty pigs named in the track “Resistensia,” the album’s final piece, we now need to add at least eight more—and, perhaps, sharpen the blades, load the spit a little heavier, and throw some extra fuel into the blaze.

“What strength is that?” Let’s return to Sérgio Godinho’s question. What strength do we “carry in our arms,” one that “demands only obedience”? What force puts us at “ease with others but at odds with ourselves”? These days, we look around lost, downcast, already tasting blood in our mouths. And still, this music—this immanent fury—cuts through the daze, offering not a manifesto of ready-made ideas, but a concrete possibility: to give rage a sense of collective power.

That possibility emerges from the meeting of griots—whose patient wisdom crosses time and space—and riots, urgent responses to immediate violence, a right to self-defense for those who, to borrow again from the last album’s words, refuse to live as a “bakan kontenti tristi i filiss koitadu / ku se sina la dentu borsu i ku korda na piskoss ben marradu” (content, dumb, sad and happy fool / playing with fate in your pocket and a tight rope around the neck).

Griots i Riots picks up exactly where Nez txada skúru dentu skina na braku fundu left off. In “Treinament,” the final track of that record, it spoke of waking up once again with a purpose—“like a dog with clenched teeth and a sore jaw, red eyes waiting for night to fall.” It called for a “prepared militancy” like a root growing strong, turning to weapons and theory with a precise dilemma: “liberation or death.” Not coincidentally, those are also the first words heard on Griots i Riots, wrapped in the crystalline sound of a kora played by Mbye Ebrima, then immediately disrupted by the distorted low-end frequencies that define Scúru Fitchádu’s sonic world.

Guided by this political mantra, the album is built upon the tension between theory and practice, word and action, body and orality, the city and self-interrogation—conceiving of revolution not as a distant utopia but as a concrete, daily possibility. Not something that will come from palaces, vanguard leaders, or expert commissions, but from the praxis of lived experience, rooted in committed communities.

Knowing there is no revolutionary theory without revolutionary practice, Griots i Riots confronts the hard time of reality with the slow time of ancestral wisdom; it challenges the anesthetized apathy of political and cultural intervention by conjuring a dissension that opens cracks toward another future. This confrontation between times and tensions—between memory and urgency, between word and action—is not just a poetic or political gesture. It’s also the compositional principle structuring the album, shaping its rhythm and breath. We hear it right away in “Griot i Riot,” the intro, where ancestral wisdom, carried by the kora, is layered over and gradually contaminated by sonic grime—punctuated by background screams and urgent vocalizations.

Once the blueprint is set, the strategy follows. “Idukasan i saud,” a fast-paced shout of popular revolt that reworks poetic lines from Sérgio Godinho’s À Queima Roupa (1974), is followed by “Kel karta di alfuria…,” a bass-heavy, reflective track about the traps of false liberations lost in the bourgeois entanglements of the Big House. “Funda na poss,” a visceral blow against pop culture’s submissive posture, is succeeded by “Du ta morrê,” an austere and slow meditation on death and grief. The accelerated precision of “Kema palasio kema” clashes with the poetic delivery and harmonized distortion of “Símia Kodjê”—a track with Conan Osiris, where a fado-tinged voice has never sounded so richly defiled. “Prekariadu,” a battle cry against the suffocating precarity of lives in the urban jungle, gives way to “Caoberdiano Barela,” a moving reinterpretation of Princezito’s classic, reminding us that this is a long story still unfolding. Finally, “Resistensia” closes the album, ensuring we don’t forget the clear identification of the targets: the pigs that squeal, the wolves that howl, the sheep that let their guard down.

By his third record, Scúru Fitchádu has lost neither the searing, rough dissent of Un Kuza Runhu (2020) nor the poetic, ethical, and sonic density of Nez txada skúru dentu skina na braku fundu. In Griots i Riots, we hear the same insubordination, the original impulse, the same grime meant to disrupt the management of a rotten peace. But we also hear an artist who is increasingly a dense and sagacious poet, seeking to expand and master his own language, without ever yielding to the cynical reason of our times. Above all, a creator who writes about his time and his people, attuned to their latent anger, invested in the search for new answers born from everyday struggle. A creator whose music becomes the soundtrack of those who refuse to live in chains, yet who allows himself to explore—in both sound and content—deeper reflections on the human condition, the possibilities of agency, the consciousness of death, and the potential for what’s to come: an ongoing attempt to answer Sérgio Godinho’s question: What strength is this that we carry in our arms? Let us keep asking—and keep fighting. On this side of the barricade, no one will die on their knees.

This article was written by João Mineiro and originally published on the Africa Is A Country website on 29 September 2025. It is republished here under a Creative Commons BY 4.0 license.

Music activism in Sudan

Music and politics in Sudan have been intertwined for many decades. During the colonial era, musicians played a key role in the struggle for independence. Later on, as music was embraced by the masses, successive post-colonial governments sought to clamp down its influence on politics and society.

Sudanese music legend Mohammed Wardi.

Since the onset of the Second Sudanese Civil War in 1983, the government began increasingly censoring musicians, leaving many artists frustrated over their freedom of expression. As musicians fought for artistic freedom, many of them faced state oppression, which ranged from bans on public performances to physical attacks, with many forced to flee the country.

Activism in pre-independence Sudan

Musicians have contributed immensely to Sudanese culture and have used their public presence to magnify the country’s rich cultural diversity and socio-political conditions. Artists played a crucial role in fuelling the resistance against foreign intrusion, exploitation and dictatorships during both the colonial and post-colonial periods.

As early as 1924, poet and educator Obeid Abdul Nur’s poem ‘Umm Dhafayir’ (The Lady with Plaited Hair) challenged young people to rise up and fight the British colonial administration. The poem would later inspire musicians to highlight the plight of the masses in their songs.

Established in 1938 to challenge colonialism, the Graduates’ General Congress, an association of the educated class, adopted the song ‘Sahi Ya Kanari’ (Wake Up, Canary) and others to enhance its campaign for reforms and to expedite the end of British colonial rule.

Hawa Jah al-Rasoul Mohammed, popularly known as Hawa al-Tagtaga, was one of the earliest female music pioneers and is remembered as a fearless freedom fighter whose politically charged songs inspired the anti-colonial struggle. 

Aisha Musa Ahmad, also known as Aisha al-Falatiya, made a name for herself as a singer during the Second World War when she toured the camps of the Sudan Defence Force across North Africa to boost troop morale

Activism in post-independence Sudan

On 1 January 1956, Anglo-Egyptian Sudan became the independent Republic of Sudan. Since independence, Sudan has been ruled by a series of unstable parliamentary governments and military regimes.

Respected singer Mohammed Wardi’s song ‘October Al Akhdar’ (Green October) was performed during the 1964 revolution when power transitioned from military to civilian rule. The song urged the government to concentrate on agriculture, hence the reference of ‘green’ in the title of the song [2].

Another military coup in May 1969 brought military ruler Jaafar Nimeiry to power. At first, Wardi agreed with the new administration, due to its leftist leanings, but later had a fallout with its leaders and was detained in 1971. In 1983, Nimeiry imposed a strict version of Islamic Sharia law, which further diminished the influential voices of musicians and poets in the country.

In response, Wardi released another political song, ‘Ya Sha’aban Lahabak Thouritak’, which loosely translates to ‘Oh People Your Flame Is Your Revolution’. The song encouraged the masses to shape their own destiny. The regime then called for his imprisonment and the artist fled to the US before moving to Cairo, Egypt. He returned home before passing away in 2012 at the age of 79

Enemies of the state

Sudanese governments throughout the years have sought to influence musicians for their own political agendas. Artists whose songs and lyrics expose social issues such as poverty, disease, civil war and injustices have historically been branded as ‘enemies of the state’, with various governments taking drastic measures to suppress ‘dissident voices’.

By the 1990s, during the early days of former president Omar al-Bashir’s rule, the government removed off the airwaves all music that did not support political and religious ideology. Singer Abu Araki al-Bakheit was banned from performing political songs. He was arrested and forbidden to perform publicly, after which he retired. News of his retirement prompted intense reactions from his fans, which eventually led him to continue performing in defiance of the authorities. He played with nightclub bands like Rejaf Jazz and The Skylarks. 

Female musicians have also suffered government attacks and threats by the Sudanese public who accused them of crossing gender lines by exposing their bodies in spite of Sharia’s rules.

Female musicians like Hanan Bulu Bulu were harassed and detained by government authorities, while groups such as Al Balabil came under close surveillance in the 1970s and the 1980s. Al Balabil was formed by three Nubian sisters, and although their songs were banned under Sharia, the group found a large audience in Ethiopia and other African countries.

In 1998, the National Islamic Front government enacted a new law banning women from dancing with men, or in their presence, during folklore celebrations or wedding parties.

Singer Abazar Hamid suffered the wrath of Bashir after he embarked on a solo career in 2004. His 2007 album Sabahak Rabah (Good Morning Home), which discusses a wide range of topics such as peace, unity and genocide, led to his exile due to direct threats on his freedom

Sudanese poet, composer and writer Mahjoub Sharif was well known for advocating for gender equality and against dictatorship and the military government. He was repeatedly detained by several leaders in Sudan, including Nimeiry and Bashir, and spent a total of 17 years in prison. He died at his home in Omdurman in 2018 at the age of 66.

The fall of Bashir and return of dissidents

In 2019, Sudanese citizens, protesting against soaring living costs, forced the military to overthrow Bashir’s government. During this time, protesters used the unifying power of music to usher in change. Several dissident musicians returned from exile to celebrate the fall of Bashir’s rule. For the first time in decades, several musicians held concerts urging young people to shape their destiny.

The collapse of Bashir’s hardline government had offered a glimmer of hope for a more free and vibrant cultural space. But in October 2021 army chief Gen Abdel Fattah al-Burhan led a coup that removed from power the country’s transitional government. On 15 April 2023, Sudan descended into another civil war in a conflict between rival factions of the military government, once more bringing the country’s cultural activities to a halt.

This article was written by Moses Abeka and originally published on the Music In Africa website on 18 of March 2024. It is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercialCC BY-NC licence.

Ethiopian protest music: the songs of Hachalu Hundessa reveal the struggles of the Oromo people

Hachalu Hundessa’s songs gave a soundtrack to the Oromo resistance. Screengrab/Maalan Jira!/YouTube

Asebe Regassa Debelo, University of Zurich

The Oromo are the largest ethno-national group in Ethiopia, accounting for over 40 million people or more than one-third of the population. However, they have been politically oppressed, economically exploited and culturally marginalised under successive Ethiopian regimes. Since the 1960s, the Oromo have sought self-determination through various forms of resistance, such as armed struggle under the banner of the Oromo Liberation Front.

Music has played a key role in the Oromo resistance movement. As is the case in many other societies – especially those where open political debate is risky – music serves as an instrument of defiance, allowing artists and their fans to stand up against dominant socio-economic, cultural and political forces. From legendary musicians to amateur singers, Oromo artists have used protest songs as part of their struggle for freedom, justice and equality.

Hachalu Hundessa (also written in the Oromo language as Haacaaluu Hundeessaa) was one of those musicians. Through his poetically eloquent protest songs, the young singer-songwriter came to represent the Oromo struggle. Then, in June 2020, he was murdered. Three men were convicted for the crime a year later, but no motive was given. Many believe it was a political assassination.

Hundreds of thousands of young people across Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest regional state, took to the streets in protest, demanding justice for Hachalu. Members of Oromia’s large diaspora also staged protests in US and European cities. The Ethiopian government used the protests and ensuing violence (reports at the time suggested that more than 80 people were killed) to justify its crackdown on Oromo opposition political parties.

As a political geographer, I focus on the struggles of the dispossessed and their covert and overt forms of resistance – one of which is protest songs. After his death, I studied three of Hachalu’s works: Maalan Jira! (Do I even exist!), Jirra! (We are still there/alive!) and Jirtuu? (Are you there?). My interest goes beyond mere scholarly analysis; there is emotional attachment there, too. I was part of the Qubee Generation, the youth cohort that spearheaded the 2014-2018 Oromo protest movement to which Hachalu’s songs added inspirational impetus.

In the resulting paper, I show how Oromo protest music like Hachalu’s reveals a history and geography of violence through land dispossession and political persecution. It is also more than just a record of events in time and space: protest music forges collective identity and spurs political movements. I also strive to comprehend what a musician like Hachalu Hundessa represents – and what it means to destroy a body that embodies the power of resistance.

Three key songs

Hachalu Hundessa was born in Ambo Town, some 120 kilometres to the west of the capital city, Addis Ababa, in 1984. He was active in Oromo student movements when he was at secondary school and was imprisoned by the government when he was just 17 years old, spending five years behind bars because of his activism. While in prison he worked on his first album, Sanyii Mootii. It was released in 2009 and immediately made him popular.

A group of men, several carrying banners and one wearing a t-shirt that calls for justice for Hachalu Hundessa, raise their fists in the air
Members of Minnesota’s Oromo community protesting in the wake of Hachalu Hundessa’s murder in 2020. Brandon Bell/Getty Images

The first song I analysed was Maalan Jira! (Do I even exist!), the title track from his 2015 album. He tells of the occupation of Finfinne (what is today Addis Ababa) in the 1880s that dispossessed the Tulama Oromo clans, displaced them from their ancestral homes and sacred places and dismantled their social institutions.

He takes the listener or viewer through a mental map of history. The lyrics can be viewed as a struggle to dismantle institutions and discourses of settler-colonial systems long imposed by the Ethiopian state upon the Oromo. The murder of Hachalu, then, can be interpreted as an attempt at silencing counter-histories in Ethiopia.

Malaan Jira, the title track from Hachalu’s 2015 album.

The second song in my paper, Jirra! (We are still alive!), was released in October 2017, when the Oromo protest movement was at its peak. He underscores the determination of the Oromo, locating the resistance in physical places. He does this by naming places where the movement had a strong presence, articulating the convergence of different corners of Oromia towards the goal: liberation.

The third song, Jirtuu? (Are you there?) again exposes the historical events related to land dispossession and political oppression. At a live performance in December 2017, during a fundraiser in Bole for Oromos displaced by clashes with the neighbouring Somali region that year, he asked the crowd: “Where are you?”, then encouraged them: “Say we are in Bole!” The crowd cheerfully echoed his statement.

A live performance of Jirra!

This was not just a singalong. Bole is a district of Addis Ababa, home to wealthy people who settled on land expropriated from Oromo farmers. The performance was a declaration of the Oromos’ right to self-determination and a call that they should one day control the Imperial Palace – the offices and residence of the Ethiopian prime minister.

The lyrics include:

Kaafadhu farda keetiin loli, Arat Kiiloof situu aane (Fight with your horse, you deserve Arat Kilo – the national palace); Kaafadhu Eeboo keetiin loli, Arat Kiiloof situu aane (Fight with your spear, you deserve Arat Kilo)

Why this matters

My analysis reveals the power of Hachalu’s protest songs in unsettling dominant narratives and institutions, and in serving as a strong instrument of the Oromos’ political and social movements.

His music intertwines time, space and identity. It renders the reconstruction of the past and imaginations of the future amid contemporary uncertainties. In doing so, music serves as an archival library of the past, a platform of the present, and a mirror of the future.

Asebe Regassa Debelo, Senior research and teaching fellow, Department of Geography, University of Zurich

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.