Tag Archives: protest music

The sound of revolt

On his third album, Afro-Portuguese artist Scúru Fitchádu fuses ancestral wisdom with urban revolt, turning memory and militancy into a soundtrack for resistance.

Scúru Fitchádu. Photo by Rita Carmo.

What strength is that?” asked Sérgio Godinho, one of the most important Portuguese singer-songwriters, in 1972, when Portugal was still submerged in the long night of fascism—dragging out the agony of its colonial system, condemning people to an unjust war, and spreading the carnage in massacres like the one that took place that year in Wiriyamu, Mozambique. Those were harsh times, marked by a “dormensia ku korrenti” (dormancy with chains), as Scúru Fitchádu would later write and sing in Nez txada skúru dentu skina na braku fundu (2023), his second album, where he reworked and re-signified the poetics of the guerilla and African liberation movements, placing them in the cold concrete thickets of the contemporary city.

More than 50 years have passed since that distant 1972, though the frictions of that memory remain alive in the present. After all, as we’ve recently witnessed in Portugal, where the racist far-right political party Chega had 22.5 percent in the 2025 elections, the serpent’s egg was never properly incinerated—there it is today, transformed into a hydra with 50 furious heads, ready to crush anyone who dares to resist. There they sit, all of them—sons and grandsons of fascists, colonialists, and repackaged terrorist bombers—now comfortably nestled in the honorable seats of Parliament.

By historical coincidence, Scúru Fitchádu’s third album, Griots i Riots, was released the morning after the 2025 election, a day of hangover and shock for those who grew up believing that fascism belonged to the past tense—that places of repression like Tarrafal, or the political violence of the militias in the street, would remain matters of memory, not future threats looming on the horizon. That historical coincidence, as we said, made this album all the more urgent, a symptom of its own time. Urgent, because it’s impossible to hear the unrelenting shout of “Kema palasio kema” without picturing the pigs who would roast beautifully in that redemptive fire. And symptomatic of our time because to the fifty pigs named in the track “Resistensia,” the album’s final piece, we now need to add at least eight more—and, perhaps, sharpen the blades, load the spit a little heavier, and throw some extra fuel into the blaze.

“What strength is that?” Let’s return to Sérgio Godinho’s question. What strength do we “carry in our arms,” one that “demands only obedience”? What force puts us at “ease with others but at odds with ourselves”? These days, we look around lost, downcast, already tasting blood in our mouths. And still, this music—this immanent fury—cuts through the daze, offering not a manifesto of ready-made ideas, but a concrete possibility: to give rage a sense of collective power.

That possibility emerges from the meeting of griots—whose patient wisdom crosses time and space—and riots, urgent responses to immediate violence, a right to self-defense for those who, to borrow again from the last album’s words, refuse to live as a “bakan kontenti tristi i filiss koitadu / ku se sina la dentu borsu i ku korda na piskoss ben marradu” (content, dumb, sad and happy fool / playing with fate in your pocket and a tight rope around the neck).

Griots i Riots picks up exactly where Nez txada skúru dentu skina na braku fundu left off. In “Treinament,” the final track of that record, it spoke of waking up once again with a purpose—“like a dog with clenched teeth and a sore jaw, red eyes waiting for night to fall.” It called for a “prepared militancy” like a root growing strong, turning to weapons and theory with a precise dilemma: “liberation or death.” Not coincidentally, those are also the first words heard on Griots i Riots, wrapped in the crystalline sound of a kora played by Mbye Ebrima, then immediately disrupted by the distorted low-end frequencies that define Scúru Fitchádu’s sonic world.

Guided by this political mantra, the album is built upon the tension between theory and practice, word and action, body and orality, the city and self-interrogation—conceiving of revolution not as a distant utopia but as a concrete, daily possibility. Not something that will come from palaces, vanguard leaders, or expert commissions, but from the praxis of lived experience, rooted in committed communities.

Knowing there is no revolutionary theory without revolutionary practice, Griots i Riots confronts the hard time of reality with the slow time of ancestral wisdom; it challenges the anesthetized apathy of political and cultural intervention by conjuring a dissension that opens cracks toward another future. This confrontation between times and tensions—between memory and urgency, between word and action—is not just a poetic or political gesture. It’s also the compositional principle structuring the album, shaping its rhythm and breath. We hear it right away in “Griot i Riot,” the intro, where ancestral wisdom, carried by the kora, is layered over and gradually contaminated by sonic grime—punctuated by background screams and urgent vocalizations.

Once the blueprint is set, the strategy follows. “Idukasan i saud,” a fast-paced shout of popular revolt that reworks poetic lines from Sérgio Godinho’s À Queima Roupa (1974), is followed by “Kel karta di alfuria…,” a bass-heavy, reflective track about the traps of false liberations lost in the bourgeois entanglements of the Big House. “Funda na poss,” a visceral blow against pop culture’s submissive posture, is succeeded by “Du ta morrê,” an austere and slow meditation on death and grief. The accelerated precision of “Kema palasio kema” clashes with the poetic delivery and harmonized distortion of “Símia Kodjê”—a track with Conan Osiris, where a fado-tinged voice has never sounded so richly defiled. “Prekariadu,” a battle cry against the suffocating precarity of lives in the urban jungle, gives way to “Caoberdiano Barela,” a moving reinterpretation of Princezito’s classic, reminding us that this is a long story still unfolding. Finally, “Resistensia” closes the album, ensuring we don’t forget the clear identification of the targets: the pigs that squeal, the wolves that howl, the sheep that let their guard down.

By his third record, Scúru Fitchádu has lost neither the searing, rough dissent of Un Kuza Runhu (2020) nor the poetic, ethical, and sonic density of Nez txada skúru dentu skina na braku fundu. In Griots i Riots, we hear the same insubordination, the original impulse, the same grime meant to disrupt the management of a rotten peace. But we also hear an artist who is increasingly a dense and sagacious poet, seeking to expand and master his own language, without ever yielding to the cynical reason of our times. Above all, a creator who writes about his time and his people, attuned to their latent anger, invested in the search for new answers born from everyday struggle. A creator whose music becomes the soundtrack of those who refuse to live in chains, yet who allows himself to explore—in both sound and content—deeper reflections on the human condition, the possibilities of agency, the consciousness of death, and the potential for what’s to come: an ongoing attempt to answer Sérgio Godinho’s question: What strength is this that we carry in our arms? Let us keep asking—and keep fighting. On this side of the barricade, no one will die on their knees.

This article was written by João Mineiro and originally published on the Africa Is A Country website on 29 September 2025. It is republished here under a Creative Commons BY 4.0 license.

The troubling relevance of Woody Guthrie’s new album, released 58 years after his death

Daniele Curci, Università di Siena

Mural of Woody Guthrie with the text 'THIS LAND IS YOUR LAND' on a brick wall, depicting the influential folk artist playing guitar against a backdrop of trees and cloudy sky.
Woody Guthrie Center in Tulsa, Oklahoma. Photo by Gorup de Besanez and licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International license.

A new album by Woody Guthrie (1912–1967), perhaps the most influential US folk artist, was released late last summer. Woody at Home, Vol. 1 & 2 contains songs – some already known, others previously unreleased – the artist recorded from 1951 to 1952 on a tape recorder he received from his publisher. A version of the famous “This Land Is Your Land” (1940), with new verses, is among the tracks.

The release reflects the continuing vitality of Woody Guthrie in the United States. There is an ongoing process of updating and redefining his figure and artistic legacy – one that does not always take into account the singer’s radicalism but sometimes accentuates his patriotism.

The story of “This Land Is Your Land” is a case in point. There are versions of the song containing verses critical of private property, and others without them. The first version of “This Land” became almost an unofficial anthem of the US and, over the years, has been used in various political contexts, sometimes resulting in appropriations and reinterpretations. In 1960, it was played at the Republican national convention that nominated Richard Nixon for president, and in 1988, Republican candidate George H. W. Bush used it in his presidential campaign.

However, Guthrie made his contribution by supporting both the Communist Party and, at different times, president Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal. He borrowed the idea that music could be an important tool of activism from the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) union. In the party, Guthrie saw the ideological cement; in the union, the instrument of mass organization. It was only through union – a term with a double meaning that Guthrie often played upon: union as both labour union and union of the oppressed – that a socialized and unionized world could be achieved.

‘Deportee’

The release of Woody at Home, Vol. 1 & 2 was preceded by the single “Deportee (Plane Wreck at Los Gatos),” a song that had long been known, but whose original recording by Guthrie had never been released. The artist wrote it in reference to an event that occurred on January 28, 1948, when a plane carrying Mexican seasonal workers crashed in Los Gatos Canyon, California, killing everyone on board.

This choice was not accidental, as explained by Nora Guthrie – one of the folk singer’s daughters and long-time curator of her father’s political and artistic legacy – in an interview with The Guardian, where she emphasized how his message remains current, given the deportations carried out by the President Donald Trump’s administration.

Woody Guthrie read the account of the tragic plane crash in a newspaper, and was horrified to find that the workers were not referred to by name, but by the pejorative term “deportees”. In their story, he saw parallels with the experiences of the 1930s “Okies” from the state of Oklahoma, impoverished by dust storms and years of socioeconomic crisis, who moved to California in search of a better future. It was a “Goin’ Down The Road,” according to the title of another Guthrie song, in which the word “down” also conveyed the sadness of having to hit the road, with all the uncertainties and hardships that lay ahead, because there was no alternative – indeed, the full title ended with “Feeling Bad”.

The Okies and the Mexican migrant workers faced racism and poverty amid the abundance of the fruit fields. Mexicans found themselves picking fruit that was rotting on the trees – “the crops are all in and the peaches are rotting” – for wages that barely allowed them to survive – “to pay all their money to wade back again”. In “Deportee,” in which these two lyrics appear, Guthrie provocatively asked:

Is this the best way we can grow our big orchards?
Is this the best way we can grow our good fruit?
To fall like dry leaves to rot on my topsoil
And be called by no name except “deportees”?

Visions of America and radicalism

“We come with the dust and we go with the wind,” sang Guthrie in “Pastures of Plenty” (1941, and also included in Woody at Home), the anthem he wrote for the migrants of the US southwest, denouncing the indifference and invisibility that enabled the exploitation of workers. In this way, Guthrie measured the gap separating the US’s reality from the fulfillment of its promises and aspirations. For him, tragedies were also a collective issue that allowed him to denounce the way in which a minority (the wealthy capitalists) deprived the majority (the workers) of their rights and well-being.

A somber black and white photograph of a distressed woman with a pensive expression, seated with two children partially visible behind her, conveying themes of hardship and resilience.
This famous photograph taken by photographer Dorothea Lange in California in 1936, titled Migrant Mother, shows Florence Thompson, aged 32, then mother of seven children, who was originally from Oklahoma and had come to the Golden State in search of work. Dorothea Lange/Library of Congress

The artist’s political vision owed much to the fact that he grew up in Oklahoma in the 1920s and 1930s, where the influence of Jeffersonian agrarian populism – the vision of an agrarian republic inspired by president Thomas Jefferson, based on the equitable distribution of land among citizens – remained deeply rooted. It is within this framework that Guthrie’s radicalism, which took shape in the 1930s and 1940s, must be situated. These periods were marked by intense debate over the health of US democracy, when Roosevelt’s New Deal sought to address years of economic crisis and profound social change.

Against racial discrimination

Guthrie’s activism sought to overcome racial discrimination. This was no small feat for the son of a man said to have been a member of the Ku Klux Klan and a fervent anti-communist, who may have taken part in a lynching in 1911.

Moreover, Woody himself, upon arriving in California in the latter half of the 1930s, carried with him a racist legacy reflected in certain songs – such as his performance of the racist version of “Run, Nigger, Run”, a popular song in the South, which he sang on his own radio show in 1937. Afterward, the artist received a letter from a Black listener expressing her deep resentment over the singer’s use of the word “nigger”. Guthrie was so moved that he read the letter on the air and apologized.

He then began a process of questioning himself and what he believed the United States to be, going so far as to denounce segregation and the distortions of the judicial system that protected white people while readily imprisoning Black people. These themes appear in “Buoy Bells from Trenton”, also included in Woody at Home. The song refers to the case of the Trenton Six: in 1948, six Black men from Trenton, New Jersey were convicted of murdering a white man by an all-white jury, despite the testimony of several witnesses who had seen other individuals at the scene of the crime.

“Buoy Bells from Trenton” was probably included on the album because of the interpretation it invites concerning abuses of power and the “New Jim Crow”, an expression that echoes the Jim Crow laws (late 19th century to 1965) that imposed racial segregation in the Southern states. These laws were legitimized by the Supreme Court ruling Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), which established the principle of “separate but equal”, before being abolished by Brown v. Board of Education (1954), the Civil Rights Act (1964) and the Voting Rights Act (1965). Popularized by Michelle Alexander in her book, The New Jim Crow (2010), the contemporary term refers to the system of racial control through penal policies and mass incarceration: in 2022, African Americans made up 32% of convicted state and federal prisoners, even though they represent only 12% of the US population, a figure highlighted by several recent studies.

Guthrie’s song can thus be reread as a critique of persistent racism, both in its institutional forms and in its more diffuse manifestations. Once again, this is an example of the enduring vitality of Woody Guthrie and of how art does not end at the moment of its publication, but becomes a long-term historical phenomenon.


Daniele Curci, PhD Candidate in International and American History, Università di Siena

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

How Protest Musicians Became Icons And Targets In Iran’s Women, Life, Freedom Movement

Photo licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Generic license. The original was taken by Taymaz Valley and can be found here.

This article was written by Mohammad Zarghami and Kian Sharifi and originally published on rfel.org on 16 September 2025. Copyright (c)2025 RFE/RL, Inc. Used with the permission of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.

In the tense and transformative days after Mahsa Amini’s death in police custody in September 2022 for allegedly wearing a head scarf improperly, a new anthem surged from Iran’s streets: “Women, Life, Freedom.”

First heard at Amini’s burial in her hometown of Saqqez, the slogan swept the country, quickly morphing into a manifesto and protest chant so powerful that within days, it was set to music — amplifying collective grief and resistance with a rhythm that echoed across cities and continents.

Against this backdrop, musicians like Toomaj Salehi, Shervin Hajipour, and Saman Yasin emerged as some of the movement’s most influential voices. Their work didn’t just accompany the protests, it helped propel them to levels that scared authorities.

See also: Iran’s Supreme Court Overturns Rapper’s Death Sentence

Yasin is a singer who gained renown as political activist following the Islamic republic’s actions against him — highlighting how repression can breed icons.

Another example is Saba Zamani’s stark protest song Fed Up With Your Religion, which soared in popularity for its raw simplicity and radical edge.

A Rapidly Radicalizing Repertoire

But anthems of freedom come at a price.

Authorities responded with a sweeping crackdown, targeting musicians whose songs had become the soundtrack of dissent. As Tehran-based arts and culture reporter Mazdak Ali-Montazeri told RFE/RL’s Radio Farda, “If these songs weren’t influential, their singers wouldn’t be in prison.”

From arrests to censorship, the authorities’ repression continued, and it extended not just to male musicians but also to women whose voices led the charge.

See also: Iranian Women Still Targets Of ‘Brutal Repression’ Since Amini Death

Haman Vafri, a pop-classical musician who released a sociology-themed album shortly before the protests, spoke to Radio Farda about the new risks artists face.

“Political repression takes a toll on artists,” Vafri said. “Pressure from security services or the threat of being arrested makes them question: Is the cost of art too high? Do I step back, or do I accept the risk and tell society what’s happened? That push-and-pull means sometimes a song can create a movement, or just stall.”

See also: How Mahsa Amini’s Death Became A Rallying Call For Thousands Of Iranians

The crackdown only heightened the role of music as a form of activism.

Vafri notes a dramatic shift in musical style. “Music moved toward harsher and more energetic genres like rock and rap. A whole generation emerged that listened to rap and suddenly started producing their own songs distributed widely online. The existence of social media itself is a central issue.”

The digital landscape has made protest music harder to stamp out as tracks shared online reach millions and complicate the Iranian government’s efforts at censorship.

“It relates to that online space,” said Nahid Siamdoust, an assistant professor of Media and Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Texas at Austin who wrote a book on the politics of music in Iran.

“Most young Iranians are on social media every day, forming a completely nongovernmental social space,” Siamdoust told Radio Farda. “Discourses outside the official boundaries of the Islamic republic have become normalized in these songs.”

Anthems Past And Present

The protest musicians of 2022 built on a legacy stretching back to the Green Movement in 2009, when the remix of the 1979 revolutionary song Defenders Of The Sun Of The Forest became a movement marker.

With the rise of digital connectivity, uprisings became more frequent and widespread, and both slogans and sounds became more radicalized — a direct response to dashed hopes for reform and the rise of hard-liners in power.

As Vafri reflects, earlier protest music was “softer, more melodic, often drawing from folk traditions. There were feelings like hope, unity, and resistance at their core, and the music transferred those messages well.”

Today, however, “the structure of protest songs has changed” under the pressure of an increasingly violent state response, she said.

The ‘Decentralization’ Of Protest Anthems

No song captured the decentralized energy of the Women, Life, Freedom movement quite like Hajipour’s viral hit For, the lyrics of which were woven from dozens of protest comments posted online.

See also: Iran’s Protest Anthem Played At White House Norouz Celebration

One of the lines used in the song was from Reza Shoohani, a cryptocurrency entrepreneur. He described the song to Radio Farda as “beautifully decentralized — just as in today’s world of blockchain, the music, lyrics, and voice all emerge from the movement of the people. Shervin simply collected them together.”

Pop singer Mehdi Yarrahi paid a price for his song Roosarito — which means Your Head Scarf in English — criticizing the strict dress code for women that led to Amini’s detention and ultimate death.

Yarrahi became a household name in August 2023 after releasing the song.

Soon after, though, he was detained and in January 2024 was sentenced to two years and eight months in prison and 74 lashes over the song.

The prison sentence was later changed to house arrest with an ankle monitor due to his health problems, but the lashes were carried out in March this year.

Even as the Islamic republic’s crackdown continues, the music persists, inspiring new waves of resistance and hope. Iranian protest musicians remain targets, but their voices, amplified one anthem at a time, have proved they are also among the movement’s fiercest weapons.