Tag Archives: protest music

Belarus expands crackdown on musicians through โ€œextremismโ€ laws

Silhouettes of two musicians performing passionately with a guitar and microphone against a vibrant, colorful background.

The Belarusian government has doubled down on censorship of musicians and creative voices, using broad โ€œextremismโ€ laws to suppress dissidents since the mass protests of 2020. Music has become a target of state repression, with bands, individual songs, videos, and even social media pages officially labeled as โ€œextremist materials.โ€

Under Belarusian law, materials added to the governmentโ€™s official list of extremist materials are effectively banned. Citizens can face fines, short-term detention, or even prison sentences simply for liking, sharing, subscribing to, or possessing such content online. The list is regularly updated by courts and security agencies, creating an atmosphere of fear for both artists and audiences.

One prominent example is Dymna Lotva, a Belarusian metal band whose members live in exile in Poland. The Belarusian authorities have declared the bandโ€™s music extremist, making it illegal to distribute or interact with their work inside the country. Dymna Lotvaโ€™s case reflects a wider pattern of targeting artists who express opposition to the regime or who have become associated with protest culture.

Among the most severe cases is Tor Band, whose protest songs gained popularity during the 2020 demonstrations. The group was declared an โ€œextremist formation,โ€ and its music, logos, and online presence were banned. Members of Tor Band were sentenced to lengthy prison terms, and their instruments were confiscated. Their prosecution sent a clear message that music linked to political resistance would be harshly punished.

Read also: Members of Belarusian band behind 2020 protest songs receive draconian sentences

Other bands have faced similar treatment. Daj Darohu!, a long-standing punk rock band, has had multiple songs and videos officially labeled extremist. Folk and neo-folk acts such as Kryvakryลพ and Sumarok have seen albums and music videos added to the extremist list, often accused of being politically biased or hostile to the state. Punk and alternative groups like Children of Khrushchevka and faceOFF have also had songs, social media pages, and YouTube channels banned.

Censorship does not stop at bands. Individual songsโ€”including protest anthems and works featuring slogans like โ€œลฝyve Belarusโ€ (โ€œLong live Belarusโ€)โ€”have been outlawed. Even foreign artistsโ€™ songs containing pro-Belarusian protest messages have been labeled extremist within the country.

In addition to the official extremist list, Belarus operates informal โ€œstop listsโ€ that bar certain artists from concerts, radio airplay, festivals, and cultural venues. Well-known acts such as N.R.M., Krambambulia, Palac, Navi Band, and even mainstream pop stars have reportedly faced performance bans or removal from state-controlled media after expressing dissent or refusing to support the authorities.

Listen: 10 protest songs from Belarus

Human rights and cultural organisations argue that these measures amount to systematic repression of artistic freedom. By criminalizing not only artists but also listeners, the state has turned music consumption into a potential legal risk. Observers note that the goal is not only to silence musicians but also to erase shared cultural symbols of protest and solidarity.

As the extremist list continues to grow, many Belarusian musicians remain in exile, while those inside the country face censorship, surveillance, or imprisonment. The crackdown on music illustrates how deeply Belarusโ€™s political repression now reaches into everyday cultural life.

Logo of the music blog 'Shouts Music' featuring bold black letters on a white circular background.

The sound of revolt

On his third album, Afro-Portuguese artist Scรบru Fitchรกdu fuses ancestral wisdom with urban revolt, turning memory and militancy into a soundtrack for resistance.

Scรบru Fitchรกdu. Photo by Rita Carmo.

What strength is that?โ€ asked Sรฉrgio Godinho, one of the most important Portuguese singer-songwriters, in 1972, when Portugal was still submerged in the long night of fascismโ€”dragging out the agony of its colonial system, condemning people to an unjust war, and spreading the carnage in massacres like the one that took place that year in Wiriyamu, Mozambique. Those were harsh times, marked by a โ€œdormensia ku korrentiโ€ (dormancy with chains), as Scรบru Fitchรกdu would later write and sing in Nez txada skรบru dentu skina na braku fundu (2023), his second album, where he reworked and re-signified the poetics of the guerilla and African liberation movements, placing them in the cold concrete thickets of the contemporary city.

More than 50 years have passed since that distant 1972, though the frictions of that memory remain alive in the present. After all, as weโ€™ve recently witnessed in Portugal, where the racist far-right political party Chega had 22.5 percent in the 2025 elections, the serpentโ€™s egg was never properly incineratedโ€”there it is today, transformed into a hydra with 50 furious heads, ready to crush anyone who dares to resist. There they sit, all of themโ€”sons and grandsons of fascists, colonialists, and repackaged terrorist bombersโ€”now comfortably nestled in the honorable seats of Parliament.

By historical coincidence, Scรบru Fitchรกduโ€™s third album, Griots i Riots, was released the morning after the 2025 election, a day of hangover and shock for those who grew up believing that fascism belonged to the past tenseโ€”that places of repression like Tarrafal, or the political violence of the militias in the street, would remain matters of memory, not future threats looming on the horizon. That historical coincidence, as we said, made this album all the more urgent, a symptom of its own time. Urgent, because itโ€™s impossible to hear the unrelenting shout of โ€œKema palasio kemaโ€ without picturing the pigs who would roast beautifully in that redemptive fire. And symptomatic of our time because to the fifty pigs named in the track โ€œResistensia,โ€ the albumโ€™s final piece, we now need to add at least eight moreโ€”and, perhaps, sharpen the blades, load the spit a little heavier, and throw some extra fuel into the blaze.

โ€œWhat strength is that?โ€ Letโ€™s return to Sรฉrgio Godinhoโ€™s question. What strength do we โ€œcarry in our arms,โ€ one that โ€œdemands only obedienceโ€? What force puts us at โ€œease with others but at odds with ourselvesโ€? These days, we look around lost, downcast, already tasting blood in our mouths. And still, this musicโ€”this immanent furyโ€”cuts through the daze, offering not a manifesto of ready-made ideas, but a concrete possibility: to give rage a sense of collective power.

That possibility emerges from the meeting of griotsโ€”whose patient wisdom crosses time and spaceโ€”and riots, urgent responses to immediate violence, a right to self-defense for those who, to borrow again from the last albumโ€™s words, refuse to live as a โ€œbakan kontenti tristi i filiss koitadu / ku se sina la dentu borsu i ku korda na piskoss ben marraduโ€ (content, dumb, sad and happy fool / playing with fate in your pocket and a tight rope around the neck).

Griots i Riots picks up exactly where Nez txada skรบru dentu skina na braku fundu left off. In โ€œTreinament,โ€ the final track of that record, it spoke of waking up once again with a purposeโ€”โ€œlike a dog with clenched teeth and a sore jaw, red eyes waiting for night to fall.โ€ It called for a โ€œprepared militancyโ€ like a root growing strong, turning to weapons and theory with a precise dilemma: โ€œliberation or death.โ€ Not coincidentally, those are also the first words heard on Griots i Riots, wrapped in the crystalline sound of a kora played by Mbye Ebrima, then immediately disrupted by the distorted low-end frequencies that define Scรบru Fitchรกduโ€™s sonic world.

Guided by this political mantra, the album is built upon the tension between theory and practice, word and action, body and orality, the city and self-interrogationโ€”conceiving of revolution not as a distant utopia but as a concrete, daily possibility. Not something that will come from palaces, vanguard leaders, or expert commissions, but from the praxis of lived experience, rooted in committed communities.

Knowing there is no revolutionary theory without revolutionary practice, Griots i Riots confronts the hard time of reality with the slow time of ancestral wisdom; it challenges the anesthetized apathy of political and cultural intervention by conjuring a dissension that opens cracks toward another future. This confrontation between times and tensionsโ€”between memory and urgency, between word and actionโ€”is not just a poetic or political gesture. Itโ€™s also the compositional principle structuring the album, shaping its rhythm and breath. We hear it right away in โ€œGriot i Riot,โ€ the intro, where ancestral wisdom, carried by the kora, is layered over and gradually contaminated by sonic grimeโ€”punctuated by background screams and urgent vocalizations.

Once the blueprint is set, the strategy follows. โ€œIdukasan i saud,โ€ a fast-paced shout of popular revolt that reworks poetic lines from Sรฉrgio Godinhoโ€™s ร€ Queima Roupa (1974), is followed by โ€œKel karta di alfuriaโ€ฆ,โ€ a bass-heavy, reflective track about the traps of false liberations lost in the bourgeois entanglements of the Big House. โ€œFunda na poss,โ€ a visceral blow against pop cultureโ€™s submissive posture, is succeeded by โ€œDu ta morrรช,โ€ an austere and slow meditation on death and grief. The accelerated precision of โ€œKema palasio kemaโ€ clashes with the poetic delivery and harmonized distortion of โ€œSรญmia Kodjรชโ€โ€”a track with Conan Osiris, where a fado-tinged voice has never sounded so richly defiled. โ€œPrekariadu,โ€ a battle cry against the suffocating precarity of lives in the urban jungle, gives way to โ€œCaoberdiano Barela,โ€ a moving reinterpretation of Princezitoโ€™s classic, reminding us that this is a long story still unfolding. Finally, โ€œResistensiaโ€ closes the album, ensuring we donโ€™t forget the clear identification of the targets: the pigs that squeal, the wolves that howl, the sheep that let their guard down.

By his third record, Scรบru Fitchรกdu has lost neither the searing, rough dissent of Un Kuza Runhu (2020) nor the poetic, ethical, and sonic density of Nez txada skรบru dentu skina na braku fundu. In Griots i Riots, we hear the same insubordination, the original impulse, the same grime meant to disrupt the management of a rotten peace. But we also hear an artist who is increasingly a dense and sagacious poet, seeking to expand and master his own language, without ever yielding to the cynical reason of our times. Above all, a creator who writes about his time and his people, attuned to their latent anger, invested in the search for new answers born from everyday struggle. A creator whose music becomes the soundtrack of those who refuse to live in chains, yet who allows himself to exploreโ€”in both sound and contentโ€”deeper reflections on the human condition, the possibilities of agency, the consciousness of death, and the potential for whatโ€™s to come: an ongoing attempt to answer Sรฉrgio Godinhoโ€™s question: What strength is this that we carry in our arms? Let us keep askingโ€”and keep fighting. On this side of the barricade, no one will die on their knees.

This article was written by Joรฃo Mineiro and originally published on the Africa Is A Country website on 29 September 2025. It is republished here under a Creative Commons BY 4.0 license.

The troubling relevance of Woody Guthrieโ€™s new album, released 58 years after hisย death

Daniele Curci, Universitร  di Siena

Mural of Woody Guthrie with the text 'THIS LAND IS YOUR LAND' on a brick wall, depicting the influential folk artist playing guitar against a backdrop of trees and cloudy sky.
Woody Guthrie Center in Tulsa, Oklahoma. Photo by Gorup de Besanez and licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International license.

A new album by Woody Guthrie (1912โ€“1967), perhaps the most influential US folk artist, was released late last summer. Woody at Home, Vol. 1 & 2 contains songs โ€“ some already known, others previously unreleased โ€“ the artist recorded from 1951 to 1952 on a tape recorder he received from his publisher. A version of the famous โ€œThis Land Is Your Landโ€ (1940), with new verses, is among the tracks.

The release reflects the continuing vitality of Woody Guthrie in the United States. There is an ongoing process of updating and redefining his figure and artistic legacy โ€“ one that does not always take into account the singerโ€™s radicalism but sometimes accentuates his patriotism.

The story of โ€œThis Land Is Your Landโ€ is a case in point. There are versions of the song containing verses critical of private property, and others without them. The first version of โ€œThis Landโ€ became almost an unofficial anthem of the US and, over the years, has been used in various political contexts, sometimes resulting in appropriations and reinterpretations. In 1960, it was played at the Republican national convention that nominated Richard Nixon for president, and in 1988, Republican candidate George H. W. Bush used it in his presidential campaign.

However, Guthrie made his contribution by supporting both the Communist Party and, at different times, president Franklin Delano Rooseveltโ€™s New Deal. He borrowed the idea that music could be an important tool of activism from the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) union. In the party, Guthrie saw the ideological cement; in the union, the instrument of mass organization. It was only through union โ€“ a term with a double meaning that Guthrie often played upon: union as both labour union and union of the oppressed โ€“ that a socialized and unionized world could be achieved.

โ€˜Deporteeโ€™

The release of Woody at Home, Vol. 1 & 2 was preceded by the single โ€œDeportee (Plane Wreck at Los Gatos),โ€ a song that had long been known, but whose original recording by Guthrie had never been released. The artist wrote it in reference to an event that occurred on January 28, 1948, when a plane carrying Mexican seasonal workers crashed in Los Gatos Canyon, California, killing everyone on board.

This choice was not accidental, as explained by Nora Guthrie โ€“ one of the folk singerโ€™s daughters and long-time curator of her fatherโ€™s political and artistic legacy โ€“ in an interview with The Guardian, where she emphasized how his message remains current, given the deportations carried out by the President Donald Trumpโ€™s administration.

Woody Guthrie read the account of the tragic plane crash in a newspaper, and was horrified to find that the workers were not referred to by name, but by the pejorative term โ€œdeporteesโ€. In their story, he saw parallels with the experiences of the 1930s โ€œOkiesโ€ from the state of Oklahoma, impoverished by dust storms and years of socioeconomic crisis, who moved to California in search of a better future. It was a โ€œGoinโ€™ Down The Road,โ€ according to the title of another Guthrie song, in which the word โ€œdownโ€ also conveyed the sadness of having to hit the road, with all the uncertainties and hardships that lay ahead, because there was no alternative โ€“ indeed, the full title ended with โ€œFeeling Badโ€.

The Okies and the Mexican migrant workers faced racism and poverty amid the abundance of the fruit fields. Mexicans found themselves picking fruit that was rotting on the trees โ€“ โ€œthe crops are all in and the peaches are rottingโ€ โ€“ for wages that barely allowed them to survive โ€“ โ€œto pay all their money to wade back againโ€. In โ€œDeportee,โ€ in which these two lyrics appear, Guthrie provocatively asked:

Is this the best way we can grow our big orchards?
Is this the best way we can grow our good fruit?
To fall like dry leaves to rot on my topsoil
And be called by no name except โ€œdeporteesโ€?

Visions of America and radicalism

โ€œWe come with the dust and we go with the wind,โ€ sang Guthrie in โ€œPastures of Plentyโ€ (1941, and also included in Woody at Home), the anthem he wrote for the migrants of the US southwest, denouncing the indifference and invisibility that enabled the exploitation of workers. In this way, Guthrie measured the gap separating the USโ€™s reality from the fulfillment of its promises and aspirations. For him, tragedies were also a collective issue that allowed him to denounce the way in which a minority (the wealthy capitalists) deprived the majority (the workers) of their rights and well-being.

A somber black and white photograph of a distressed woman with a pensive expression, seated with two children partially visible behind her, conveying themes of hardship and resilience.
This famous photograph taken by photographer Dorothea Lange in California in 1936, titled Migrant Mother, shows Florence Thompson, aged 32, then mother of seven children, who was originally from Oklahoma and had come to the Golden State in search of work. Dorothea Lange/Library of Congress

The artistโ€™s political vision owed much to the fact that he grew up in Oklahoma in the 1920s and 1930s, where the influence of Jeffersonian agrarian populism โ€“ the vision of an agrarian republic inspired by president Thomas Jefferson, based on the equitable distribution of land among citizens โ€“ remained deeply rooted. It is within this framework that Guthrieโ€™s radicalism, which took shape in the 1930s and 1940s, must be situated. These periods were marked by intense debate over the health of US democracy, when Rooseveltโ€™s New Deal sought to address years of economic crisis and profound social change.

Against racial discrimination

Guthrieโ€™s activism sought to overcome racial discrimination. This was no small feat for the son of a man said to have been a member of the Ku Klux Klan and a fervent anti-communist, who may have taken part in a lynching in 1911.

Moreover, Woody himself, upon arriving in California in the latter half of the 1930s, carried with him a racist legacy reflected in certain songs โ€“ such as his performance of the racist version of โ€œRun, Nigger, Runโ€, a popular song in the South, which he sang on his own radio show in 1937. Afterward, the artist received a letter from a Black listener expressing her deep resentment over the singerโ€™s use of the word โ€œniggerโ€. Guthrie was so moved that he read the letter on the air and apologized.

He then began a process of questioning himself and what he believed the United States to be, going so far as to denounce segregation and the distortions of the judicial system that protected white people while readily imprisoning Black people. These themes appear in โ€œBuoy Bells from Trentonโ€, also included in Woody at Home. The song refers to the case of the Trenton Six: in 1948, six Black men from Trenton, New Jersey were convicted of murdering a white man by an all-white jury, despite the testimony of several witnesses who had seen other individuals at the scene of the crime.

โ€œBuoy Bells from Trentonโ€ was probably included on the album because of the interpretation it invites concerning abuses of power and the โ€œNew Jim Crowโ€, an expression that echoes the Jim Crow laws (late 19th century to 1965) that imposed racial segregation in the Southern states. These laws were legitimized by the Supreme Court ruling Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), which established the principle of โ€œseparate but equalโ€, before being abolished by Brown v. Board of Education (1954), the Civil Rights Act (1964) and the Voting Rights Act (1965). Popularized by Michelle Alexander in her book, The New Jim Crow (2010), the contemporary term refers to the system of racial control through penal policies and mass incarceration: in 2022, African Americans made up 32% of convicted state and federal prisoners, even though they represent only 12% of the US population, a figure highlighted by several recent studies.

Guthrieโ€™s song can thus be reread as a critique of persistent racism, both in its institutional forms and in its more diffuse manifestations. Once again, this is an example of the enduring vitality of Woody Guthrie and of how art does not end at the moment of its publication, but becomes a long-term historical phenomenon.


Daniele Curci, PhD Candidate in International and American History, Universitร  di Siena

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.